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BULLETIN
Tuesday, 16 March 2004

>> QUOTE A FRIEND - "This intelligence failure is further magnified by the ease with which the terrorists were able to carry out their attack. They had no need of aircraft, suicide bombers, wads of cash or even box-cutters - only very simply to buy Spanish-manufactured explosives, stuff them into ten ordinary bags and leave them on the targeted trains."


Who's Next after Madrid?
DEBKAfile Special Analysis
March 13, 2004, 10:31 PM (GMT+02:00)
Officially, Spain's political parties cut short their election campaign three days before polling in deference to the agony and shock of the most brutal terrorist attack since the 9/11 assaults on New York and Washington. Thursday, March 11, three crowded commuter trains were blown up in Madrid, killing 199, injuring 1,400, and changing Spain overnight. In reality the campaign never stopped. By harping on the Basque terrorist movement ETA as the culprit of the outrage, the Aznar government hoped to drum up votes for the ruling PP - Popular Party's bid for reelection on Sunday, March 14.
It also left the investigators at sea in a probe of vital importance to the global war on terror.
The government's reasoning went like this: If ETA is proved to be behind the attack - which the group categorically denies - the PP's tough campaign against the Basque radicals would triumph and Mariano Rajoy would breeze in to the prime minister's office in place of the retiring Jose Maria Aznar.
If, on the other hand, it was orchestrated by Muslim extremists - al Qaeda or its associates - the ruling party would be held to account for stirring up Muslim wrath by backing Washington in Iraq. The opposition Socialist leader Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero catered to the war's unpopularity by promising if elected to bring the 1,300-strong Spanish force home from Iraq.
In the debate before terrorists hit Madrid, the conservative PP attempted to tar Zapatero as conniving with the hated ETA terrorists in clandestine meetings with its leaders in France and promises to engage them in negotiations if a Socialist-led government was returned.
Thursday's attacks cast a cloud of uncertainty over all these calculations. Yet the Aznar government refused to budge, insisting ETA committed the horrendous act, even as millions of grief-stricken Spaniards, including many Basques, marched against nameless terrorism.
Witnesses saw three shadowy figures bringing bags to one of the trains attacked from a stolen van found to contain detonators and taped Koran verses. The placing of ten explosive devices at four different stations in Madrid would have required many more personnel than ETA is believed to command after being decimated by mass arrests.
Yet interior minister Angel Acebes declared Friday, March 12: "So far, none of the intelligence services or security forces we have contacted has provided reliable information to the effect that it could have been an Islamic terrorist organization."
A few hours later, five suspects were rounded up in connection with a cell phone inside an explosives-packed bag found on one of the trains. Three were Moroccans, two described as Spaniards of "Hindu" origin. Still, the minister refused to assume anything. Police are investigating all avenues, he said.
By clinging to its campaign line against all odds, the Spanish government risked prejudicing an inquiry of fateful import for the rest of Europe and the West at large in ways that should be obvious:

A. The first hours after a terrorist attack, or any murderous crime, hold the key to the inquiry and its successful solution, because only then are the evidence and clues still fresh and untainted on the scene. The interference of Spanish politicians, or, worse, their attempt to prejudge the investigation's outcome, may well have thrown the counter-terrorist and intelligence investigators off-course before they got started. In those first precious hours, the terrorists might have messed up the evidence and made good their escape, removing any leads to their network. This network would have been left free to carry out its next deadly attack.

B. The findings of the Spanish inquiry are tensely awaited by European and US governments. Their counter-terrorist and intelligence services, which labor in al Qaeda's threatening shadow, need every scrap of authentic information to enable them to prepare for the worst. No one believes the Spanish government's insistence on ETA as the culprit. It is a fact that security has been stepped up in France, Portugal, Italy, Greece, Poland and Britain, among others, all gearing up for al Qaeda's next onslaught.

C. The drama of such events inevitably draws in seekers of limelight. The London-based Al Kuds al Araby newspaper claimed to have received an e-mailed letter from a group affiliated to al Qaeda which assumed responsibility for the Spanish train attack and announced that preparations for attacking the United States were 90 percent complete.

According to DEBKAfile's counter-terror sources, US and Israeli intelligence services refute the provenance of this letter after checking it out.

D. The line the Spanish government has taken with regard to the inquiry into the Madrid outrages ignores al Qaeda's operational roots in Spain and its strong ideological foundation in Europe at large, which points inexorably to the fundamentalists' next targets as being Italy, Britain and the United States.

DEBKAfile's counter-terror experts emphasize that Osama bin Laden's terrorist movement makes no secret of its plans, priorities or motives. They are all laid out - in English too - in a plethora of print and internet publications. While difficult reading for Westerners, who find it hard to take the florid phrasing and outrageous aspirations seriously, such publications are the daily fare of tens of millions of Muslims around the world, almost in the same way a daily newspaper may be part of an ordinary Westerner's routine.
According to data gathered by our experts, from December 2002, three months before the US invasion of Iraq, al Qaeda began issuing a stream of fatwas designating its main operating theatres in Europe. Spain was on the list, but not the first.

1. Turkey was first. Islamic fundamentalists were constrained to recover the honor and glory of the Ottoman caliphates which were trampled by Christian forces in 1917 in the last days of World War I.

2. Spain followed. There, al Qaeda set Muslims the goal of recovering their lost kingdom in Andalusia.

3. Italy and its capital were third. Muslim fundamentalists view Rome as a world center of heresy because of the Vatican and the Pope.

4. Vienna came next because the advancing Muslim armies were defeated there in 1683 before they could engulf the heart of Europe.

These aspirations are far from being restricted to a lunatic fringe of radical Islam. The Arab world's most popular television preacher, Yusouf Kardawi, whom DEBKAfile has mentioned before, subscribes to the same agenda in his sermons over al Jazeera - with one difference. Whereas al Qaeda aims to "liberate" Turkey, Spain, Italy and Israel by force of arms, Kardawi who addresses the masses from a studio in Qatar just a few hundred yards from American Central Command HQ, advocates persuasion.
However strangely these decrees and teachings may fall on the ears of their targets, there is no option but to try and make sense of them in order to understand the force driving an inhumanly ruthless enemy. The logic behind this philosophy is capable of attaining a perfect match between its injunctions and the actions of its faithful in practice.
November 2003 saw two terrorist outbreaks in Istanbul that claimed 63 lives and injured more than 600. Tuesday, March 10, the day of the attacks in Madrid, al Qaeda continued its deadly cycle in Istanbul by sending two suicide killers to a building on the Asian side of the city housing a Masonic lodge. Armed with a bomb belt and gas canisters they planned to go up to the conference chamber and set it alight during a meeting. The members would have burned to death. It so happened that the lodge meeting was postponed at the last minute. The bombers blew themselves up at the door of an empty restaurant, killing a waiter.
Since last year, Al Qaeda has been able to spread its operational wings through many countries by linking up with local affiliates or sympathizers - either as accomplices or surrogates. In Turkey, they rely on the Muslim radical IBDA/C.
A similar pattern of operation repeated itself on March 2 in the massacre of 271 Shiites in the Iraqi cities of Karbala and Baghdad. Another thousand or more were injured. A dozen suicide bombers whose identity eludes investigation to this day were used, but the logistical structure that made an offensive on this scale possible must have numbered hundreds of locals.
The offensive against Shiite Muslims is set to a timetable that is separate from al Qaeda's European planning. It belongs to the history of Muslim internecine warfare and is governed by a different set of fatwas.
In Madrid, as in Istanbul, al Qaeda most probably operated through or with the help of local terrorist organizations, possibly even young radical members of ETA, members of the half million Muslim population of Spain or terrorists from its former North African colonies.
This expanded infrastructure, straddling many target countries, also enables al Qaeda to multiply the number of deaths it is capable of inflicting in each individual attack. In the last four months, bin Laden's organization has managed to take 533 lives and maimed more than 3,000. The organization has pushed out the limits of the scale and diversity of its operations substantially since the 9/11 catastrophe in America.
On the same day as the Madrid trains were blown up, the Americans launched Operation Mountain Storm against "high value" al Qaeda and Taliban targets in the mountains between Afghanistan and Pakistan. It does not escape observers that while al Qaeda is capable of assaults on five fronts at least - Iraq, Turkey, Spain Kashmir and Saudi Arabia, the US global offensive against terror is limited to a single front, which too is far from the fundamentalists' most active current arena.
Where do the United States and Britain stand on al Qaeda's time table?
Its religious edicts dictate the "liberation" (by terrorism) of lands once under Muslim rule. Turkey and Spain were therefore placed ahead of London, Paris and Berlin. Israel is doubly anathemized as a Jewish state established in a country once governed by Muslims. Rome ought to come next, although the fatwas allow some flexibility to meet changing circumstances and enable al Qaeda to strike where least expected.
Bin Laden and the leadership group of his organization have been arguing over their next directions. Their debate is conceptual between those who advocate building up Islamic fundamentalist gains in Europe before turning to America and those who see Europe as a springboard to the United States. Bin Laden has issued a fatwa deciding the issue: the organization is instructed to strike simultaneously on both continents.





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>> OUR FRIENDS IN INTERIOR...


washingtonpost.com
Report Critical of Interior Official
Inspector General Calls Deputy Secretary's Dealings Troubling but Not Illegal

By Rick Weiss
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, March 17, 2004; Page A23
An 18-month investigation by the Interior Department's inspector general has found multiple instances in which Deputy Interior Secretary J. Steven Griles had dealings with energy and mining industry clients of his former lobbying firm even as he continued to receive income from the firm's owner.
Among the actions detailed in the report was a dinner party Griles arranged for department officials at the home of his former lobbying partner, who was still paying Griles for his share of the company and who had mining and energy company clients with pending business before the department; a case in which one of Griles's former clients received preferential treatment for department contracts; and an instance in which Griles contacted Environmental Protection Agency officials regarding some of his former clients' efforts to gain coalbed methane extraction concessions in the Powder River basin of Wyoming and Montana.
The report sought only to lay out the facts and did not conclude that Griles, who assumed his post in July 2001, broke any law or was a party to conflicts of interest or ethics violations. The Office of Government Ethics, in reviewing the findings, said that, with two possible exceptions, Griles did not violate ethics rules.
But the inspector general made clear he was troubled by Griles's actions and by the inaction of the department's ethics office, which, he concluded, did a very poor job of helping Griles avoid the appearance of conflicts of interest until an "onslaught of public criticism erupted."
In the end, Inspector General Earl E. Devaney said in his transmittal letter to Interior Secretary Gale A. Norton, the American people may never get "a sound legal conclusion" on Griles's complex activities inside and outside government. But even "mere appearances" of conflict can seriously erode the public trust, he said.
"This is only one in a series of cases in which we have observed an institutional failure" to consider the appearance of conflicts of interest by Interior Department employees and officials, Devaney noted in his letter. "It is my hope, however, that [the Griles case] may be the case that changes the ethical culture in the Department."
In a letter to Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman (D-Conn.), who initiated one aspect of the investigation, Devaney said the Office of Government Ethics left open the possibility that in two instances Griles did violate ethics rules. The office referred those two cases to Norton. But Norton said yesterday that she considers the cases closed.
In a statement, Norton said she was "pleased that Deputy Secretary Griles has been cleared of the allegations that have been raised against him over the past two years."
Norton noted that Griles has already conceded that "he should have used better judgement" when, soon after his arrival at Interior, he organized a dinner party for department officials and his former lobbying partner, Marc Himmelstein -- especially given that, as a condition of his Senate confirmation, Griles had signed at least three agreements to avoid such dealings for up to six years.
Since then, Griles "has taken a number of steps to strengthen ethics screening in his office," Norton said. "This closes the issue. I'm glad that we can now put these allegations behind us."
Griles released a brief written statement in which he said he was "gratified" by the report's conclusions, which he described as a final determination "that I have adhered to the ethics law and rules."
Others read the report differently.
"The inspector general's report is damning. It uncovers regular and consistent breaches of Griles's ethics agreements and, more importantly, blatant violations of the public's trust," said Kristen Sykes of Friends of the Earth, the environmental group that helped trigger the investigation after it obtained Griles's meeting calendar through the Freedom of Information Act. "If this White House is serious about ethics and accountability, Griles should be dismissed immediately."
In an unusual arrangement, Griles is receiving payments of more than $1 million over four years from his former partner in the lobbying firm while serving as deputy secretary.
The report bluntly outlines the many roadblocks it faced in its effort to determine whether Griles had violated ethics rules. Foremost among them was an inability to ascertain exactly which companies had been -- or still are -- clients of Griles's former lobbying firm. Lacking adequate records, the inspectors had to rely on Griles himself and a few others with stakes in the investigation's outcome to tell them about those relationships.
That effort was challenged by "an unanticipated lack of personal and institutional memory; conflicting recollections; [and] poor record-keeping," the report stated, adding: "When we interviewed the Deputy Secretary and discussed our efforts to discern the status of his client list, he commented simply, 'Good luck.' "
Some of the questioned meetings concerned industry proposals and demands for concessions or exemptions from regulations pertaining to, among other matters, offshore natural gas exploration, air pollution and mining -- each involving substantial corporate revenue.
When investigators questioned these meetings, Griles provided various explanations. He said that some of the meetings were strictly "social"; that he was unaware client firms would be present at others; that he had not represented the firms on the particular matters being discussed.
Some of his assertions were corroborated by Interior Department colleagues and officers of the firms, but others were contradicted, with no resolution by the investigators.
The report said Griles took part in deliberations and meetings concerning three former clients -- Chevron, Shell and Aera (a Shell subsidiary) -- regarding their lawsuit against the government seeking access to natural gas fields they had leased in the Gulf of Mexico and off the coast of California. Griles also discussed the issue with the chief of staff of Florida Gov. Jeb Bush (R), the president's brother, who opposed the industry's plan, according to the report.
Although Griles had formally recused himself from dealings regarding Shell and Chevron, he said after being questioned that he had listed these companies erroneously on his recusal form. He said he had not lobbied for Chevron, for example, despite signing a contract while still at his firm that identified him as the firm's principal contact with Chevron, and despite having been listed as a Chevron lobbyist in filings with ethics offices.
The firm amended its forms to delete Griles's name after the controversy arose over his Interior Department meetings. The Office of Government Ethics accepted the assertion that he had not lobbied for the companies.
Griles told investigators he could not explain why Chevron's first six payments to his firm for lobbying included the annotation, "attn.: Steve Griles." He said at first that his meetings with Aera were permitted because his recusal did not apply to subsidiaries; later he said he was never aware that Aera was owned by Shell, according to the report.
Another possible conflict involved former client Advanced Power Technologies Inc. (APTI), which was lobbying the government for imaging technology contracts.
The report found that officials at the Bureau of Land Management's National Interagency Fire Center in Boise, Idaho, worked closely -- and improperly -- with the company, sharing information that gave APTI vital information about how much money the government was willing to spend, and providing specific details that ensured only APTI could win the contract.
Although Griles called the fire center's director in March 2001 -- a couple of days before he was nominated -- to explain that he would not get involved in the negotiations, his name popped up a month later when the company discussed its proposal with the fire center.
At an April 2001 briefing, an information technology officer at the center took handwritten notes that included the comment: "Steve Griles (Deputy Sec. of Interior)." The officer later told investigators he could not recall why he had made that notation, or what its significance was.
A contracting officer at the fire center told investigators that it was "suspicious" that APTI's bid ended up being so close to the government's estimate.
The report also noted that requests for bids should have been sent out to three companies, but they went out only to one: APTI. In addition, the contract requirements, including the use of trademark equipment, were so specific that only APTI could have met it, according to the report.
In another case, the officer whom Griles had designated to handle all matters related to APTI directed two junior officials to examine whether additional projects could be found for APTI, the report said. It resulted in another contract for the company, worth $165,000.
One key meeting of ATPI personnel was held in Griles's conference room. Although Griles was not present, an Interior official told investigators he was uncomfortable with that and with being summoned to the meeting. As a career civil servant, he said, he had never seen such a thing before.
All told, the report concluded, "Mr. Griles' lax understanding of his ethics agreement and attendant recusals, combined with lax dispensation of ethics advice given to him, resulted in lax constraint over matters in which the Deputy Secretary involved himself."
Staff writers R. Jeffrey Smith and Shankar Vedantam contributed to this report.



? 2004 The Washington Post Company

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Internet Cutoff Ordered at Interior
Judge Says Money Owed to Indians Is Still at Risk
By Carol D. Leonnig
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, March 16, 2004; Page A19
A federal judge in Washington yesterday ordered the Interior Department to shut down most of its employees' Internet access and some of its public Web sites after concluding that the agency has failed to fix computer security problems that threaten millions of dollars owed to Native Americans.
The order, the third the judge has handed down regarding computer security concerns at the agency since 2001, enlarges the portion of the Interior Department that will have to disconnect from the Internet. In his decision, U.S. District Judge Royce C. Lamberth said he was forced to take this step because Interior officials have refused to address obvious lapses and have given contradictory information about computer security.
In the past, Interior's Internet shutdowns have made it difficult for people to get online information about national parks and monuments as well as for departmental offices to communicate with one another.
Dan DuBray, a spokesman for the Interior Department, said the agency's top officials and lawyers were still reviewing Lamberth's injunction and could not comment on its ramifications for employees or the public.
Lamberth's order is the latest in an increasingly bitter dispute between him and the agency.
Since 1996, Lamberth has presided over a lawsuit in which a group of Indians sued to force Interior to produce an accounting of all the grazing, energy and mineral royalties from Indian lands that the department had been managing since 1879. The judge has criticized the agency for ignoring its responsibility to Native Americans and found government officials in contempt of his orders.
The department's lawyers, meanwhile, have sought to have Congress intervene and have repeatedly appealed each of the judge's demands and deadlines to a higher court.
Yesterday's decision came as Interior was arguing before the appeals court to overturn other Lamberth decisions and to get another judge appointed to hear the case.
The most recent decision covers computer connections and Web sites in the Inspector General's Office, the Minerals Management Service, the Bureau of Land Management, the Bureau of Reclamation, the Fish and Wildlife Service, the Office of the Special Trustee, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Office of Surface Mining, and the National Business Center.
"The interest of the 300,000-plus current beneficiaries of the individual Indian trust outweigh the potential inconvenience of those parties that would otherwise have access to Interior's Internet services," Lamberth wrote.
As in July, Lamberth ruled that Interior could keep emergency systems connected, particularly those involving firefighting and policing. The National Park Service, the U.S. Geological Survey and Interior's budget office also will remain connected because the court was convinced that those agencies are secure.
Lamberth first required the department to shut down Internet operations in 2001. A special master he appointed discovered that even a novice hacker could penetrate the Web sites' security and access data on the Indian revenue.
In July, Lamberth ordered a smaller portion of the department disconnected and gave Interior a chance to reconnect those divisions and offices that officials could certify were safe from hacking. But the judge wrote in yesterday's opinion that the department's claims of secure systems "mocked this Court's injunction."


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Marshals Faulted on Protection of Judges
Associated Press
Tuesday, March 16, 2004; Page A19
There are numerous flaws in the methods used by the U.S. Marshals Service to protect judges, some of whom preside over terrorism trials that carry a high risk of attack, a Justice Department report says.
The report yesterday by the department's inspector general, Glenn A. Fine, said it can take the marshals weeks or months to assess threats. Seventy-three percent of the cases take longer to check out than the agency's guidelines allow.
Also, the report said the marshals have no centralized intelligence program to handle threats, lack a secure national communications system to share information and have too many personnel without the security clearances necessary to see classified information.
While the number of threats against the nation's 2,000 federal judges and magistrates has decreased in recent years, the inspector general predicts the war on terrorism is likely to produce more high-risk trials.
The Marshals Service also hunts down fugitives, transports prisoners and protects federal witnesses.
Fine's report said that although the marshals have placed greater emphasis on judicial security since the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, much more needs to be done.
In a written response, the Marshals Service took issue with many of the findings, noting that in 215 years only four judges have been assassinated, none since 1989. "While a single assault or assassination is unacceptable, the full picture actually supports, rather than questions, the [agency's] capabilities," the response said.
The report found that some problems occur because the Marshals Service has not assigned personnel to all of the FBI's 84 joint terrorism task forces, created to ensure that sensitive information and investigations are shared by multiple agencies.
In one recent high-threat trial, the Marshals Service did not receive classified information regarding trial security because a key person lacked clearance to see top-secret material.
The Marshals Service agreed to revise its policy on how quickly threats against judges must be assessed, and it said it is working to ensure more of its senior officials have top-secret security clearances.

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Powell to Seek Nuclear Details From Pakistan
By Glenn Kessler
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, March 16, 2004; Page A18
NEW DELHI, March 15 -- Secretary of State Colin L. Powell said Monday that he planned to press Pakistan's president, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, to disclose whether his country's probe of a nuclear trafficking network blamed on scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan had uncovered the involvement of other Pakistani officials.
Powell, speaking to reporters on his plane shortly before arriving here Monday night to begin a swing through South Asia, said he was seeking a detailed briefing on "what else they may have learned about the network" that he had not "been made aware of through normal intelligence channels."
In particular, Powell said, he would "be interested to see whether there is any involvement of past officials or any official involvement in any of this over the years. I think that is something the government of Pakistan should look into and I think is looking into."
The scope of Khan's dealings suggest that key members of the Pakistani military, intelligence services or government may have aided or ignored Khan's efforts to peddle nuclear technology and expertise to Iran, Libya and North Korea. But Bush administration officials have been wary of probing too deeply because the United States needs Pakistan's assistance in the search for Osama bin Laden and members of his al Qaeda network.
Powell said that the administration wants even greater Pakistani cooperation. "Pakistan has undertaken a number of operations recently along the border . . . and we just want to see them do more of that," he said. Referring to the militia that once ruled most of Pakistan's neighbor, Afghanistan, he said, "We want to see if they can do a better job of apprehending Taliban persons who we might be able to identify for them."
Khan, who long ran Pakistan's main nuclear weapons plant and is known as the creator of the country's nuclear bomb, acknowledged last month that he had passed nuclear secrets without government authorization; Musharraf then pardoned him. The Pakistani government launched an investigation of Khan last year after receiving evidence from the United States.
Powell is to hold talks with Indian officials on boosting U.S. exports to India and about the growing thaw between Pakistan and India. Powell also is to discuss how to implement an agreement in which the United States will help India with its nuclear energy and space technology in return for India's promise to use the aid for peaceful purposes and to help block the spread of dangerous weapons.
Powell noted that tensions have eased enough between Pakistan and India that they have begun a series of cricket matches this week. But he arrived the day after India's Foreign Ministry rejected Musharraf's insistence that the disputed region of Kashmir was the central issue dividing the countries.
Over the weekend, Musharraf said India and Pakistan must resolve the 56-year conflict over Kashmir in order for the two nuclear powers to resolve their differences.
Powell also has scheduled a visit to Afghanistan to confer with Afghan leaders about their preparations for an election and efforts by the central government to win greater control -- and tax revenue -- from areas now controlled by regional military leaders.

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Similar Tactics, Different Names
Al Qaeda-Like Groups Scrutinized
By Dana Priest and Walter Pincus
Washington Post Staff Writers
Tuesday, March 16, 2004; Page A16
U.S. and European counterterrorism officials have seen a growing number of clues in the Madrid bombings that point to terrorists from any one of dozens of Islamic jihadist groups that use tactics similar to al Qaeda's but conduct operations and choose targets independently, the officials said yesterday.
This evidence, although preliminary, includes the use of cell phones to trigger explosive devices, a tactic al Qaeda has employed, and a strong suspicion that part of the operation was planned outside the targeted country, also an al Qaeda signature, two U.S. counterterrorism officials said yesterday.
No evidence points directly to Osama bin Laden's network, but counterterrorism officials believe they may be seeing proof of their worst fears: the carrying out of a spectacular, coordinated attack aimed at making a worldwide political statement by terrorists who might emulate al Qaeda but operate autonomously.
"It would be disheartening but not totally surprising if we were seeing shadow-type groups adopting [al Qaeda's] methods throughout the world," one U.S. intelligence official said. Some officials hold out the possibility that ETA, the Basque separatist movement, may have helped facilitate the attack.
Meanwhile, intelligence officials have recorded an increase in intelligence reporting in recent days indicating possible terrorist strikes in Rome, France and Turkey, according to one European intelligence official. Such intelligence reports often surge after a terrorist attack. U.S. officials also point to a message bin Laden delivered in October warning of attacks in Spain, Britain, Australia, Poland, Japan and Italy, in response to the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.
CIA Director George J. Tenet and other intelligence officials have warned in recent months of the danger posed by largely autonomous terror groups that use al Qaeda's tactics and have relatively loose ties to the network. Finding and destroying groups that are widely dispersed and only informally linked is even harder than eliminating bin Laden and his organization, officials caution.
"The steady spread of Osama bin Laden's anti-American sentiments through the wider Sunni [Muslim] extremist movement, and through the broad dissemination of al Qaeda's destructive expertise, ensures that a serious threat will remain for the foreseeable future, with or without al Qaeda in the picture," Tenet told the Senate Armed Services Committee on March 9.
Tenet also identified as part of the new, growing threat outside al Qaeda "so-called foreign jihadists" -- religiously motivated individuals "ready to fight anywhere when they believe Muslim lands are under attack by those they see as infidel invaders."
Among the other bits of preliminary evidence in Madrid that point to an al Qaeda-like signature is that the bombs used in the attack were dispersed quickly and widely. Al Qaeda is believed to have adopted that tactic from the Japanese religious group Aum Shinrikyo, whose members punctured bags of deadly sarin inside Tokyo subway cars in March 1995.
Authorities have also discovered what they believe to be at least one safe house near the attacks that was used by terrorists. The use of close-in safe houses to rehearse operations and store equipment and supplies is an al Qaeda trademark seen in the 1993 World Trade Center attack, the 2003 bombing of a Saudi housing complex and other attacks.
Al Qaeda, unlike ETA or the Irish Liberation Army, frequently draws on members of nationalities whose countries are U.S. allies, most notably men from Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The Spanish suspects include Moroccans and Indians.
U.S. officials stress that Spanish investigators do not have enough evidence to conclude who carried out the Madrid bombings, and no one appears to be in a hurry to do so. Spanish officials who blamed ETA immediately after the attack were embarrassed when their pronouncement turned out to be premature.
Similarly, the Oct. 12, 2002, bombing of a Bali nightclub that killed more than 200 was initially blamed on al Qaeda. Later, intelligence officials attributed it to Jemaah Islamiah, an Indonesian terrorist group with some links to al Qaeda.
Yesterday, U.S. officials took a similarly cautious position. "It could be something that's not a card-carrying al Qaeda group," one senior U.S. intelligence official said. "Or ETA, or a splinter group from either one."

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The Dear Leader, On a Platter
Sushi Chef's Book Details Kim Jong Il's Many Purported Indulgences
By Anthony Faiola
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, March 16, 2004; Page A11
TOKYO -- For North Korea's ruler, Kim Jong Il, the latest tell-all book on the shelves in Japan is the rawest of betrayals: the confessions of the Dear Leader's own sushi chef.
Lured to Pyongyang from the sushi bars of Tokyo in 1982 by a Japanese trading company and a $5,000 a month contract, the 56-year-old Japanese chef caught the eye of Kim Jong Il a few years later and for more than a decade catered to Kim's exotic tastes.
Today he is back in Japan, and under his pen name, Kenji Fujimoto, wrote a best-selling memoir, "I Was Kim Jong Il's Cook." While North Korea is dependent on international food aid so that millions of its people do not starve, Fujimoto described Kim -- a despot to some, demigod to others -- as a sushi chef's dream: the ultimate gourmand.
"He particularly enjoyed sashimi so fresh that he could start eating the fish as its mouth is still gasping and the tail is still thrashing," Fujimoto said. "I sliced the fish so as not to puncture any of its vital organs, so of course it was still moving. Kim Jong Il was delighted. He would eat it with gusto."
Fujimoto agreed to be interviewed in a central Japanese town on the condition that the location not be disclosed. He said he still fears North Korean spies are on his trail because the end of his tenure in Pyongyang was not mutually agreed upon. The burly cook won permission to leave Pyongyang, he said, after telling Kim a fish tale about heading off to stock the palace larders with fresh Japanese sea urchin for a tasty new dish.
Fujimoto's book about life inside the Dear Leader's kitchen -- published last year in Japanese and Korean -- has piqued the interest of intelligence agencies. Japanese intelligence and foreign diplomatic officials following North Korea characterized Fujimoto's accounts as being largely credible, describing the book as adding nuances and coloring in details to long-held views of one of the world's most bizarre leaders.
Mostly, though, North Korea observers are feasting on Fujimoto's generous helpings of Kim's self-indulgent life.
Fujimoto tells of an episode in 1994 -- the year Kim became head of state after the death of his father, Kim Il Sung -- when he was invited to attend one of Kim's notorious "pleasure parties." Holding court while sporting his trademark bouffant hair and chunk heels, Kim beamed with excitement as his top aides boogied to American dance music with shocked young women who had been ordered by Kim to strip naked. There were strobe lights and a disco ball hanging that evening from the ceiling of the Dear Leader's lavish Sincheon guesthouse south of Pyongyang.
"Kim Jong Il told the women to take off their clothes," Fujimoto said. Kim pointed at senior aides one by one, commanding them to dance. "You can dance, but don't touch. If you touch, you are thieves," Kim told the aides, according to Fujimoto.
"Mr. Kim himself would not dance," continued Fujimoto, who was dressed all in black on a recent afternoon. "Kim Jong Il liked to watch." Fujimoto said he was dazzled by Kim's massive liquor cellar, stocked with nearly 10,000 bottles. There was Johnnie Walker Swing scotch and Hennessy XO cognac. To satisfy the Dear Leader's demanding tastes, Fujimoto was sent on international shopping trips, hauling back winter melons from China, pork from Denmark, caviar from Iran and Uzbekistan, but especially the finest sushi from Tokyo's Tsukiji fish market, the largest in the world.
Fujimoto said Kim once dispatched him to Tokyo's upscale Mitsukoshi department store to pick up $100 worth of his favorite rice cakes filled with mugwort. The trip itself, including airfare through Beijing -- there are no direct flights between Tokyo and Pyongyang -- and hotel expenses, cost roughly $1,500.
But Kim relished his meals, and could move himself to tears with his own toasts, often getting tipsy and, later, wistful. During fragile moments, Fujimoto said, Kim would often bemoan that Kim Jong Chul, his 22-year old son, would never rule because he had turned out to be "like a girl."
Fujimoto said Kim doted on his youngest son -- Kim Jong Woon, 18, who looks like the North Korean leader. When both sons became interested in basketball, Kim launched a nationwide campaign to spread it around North Korea, building several NBA-regulation courts in Pyongyang. "I would sometimes be the coach at the games," Fujimoto said. "They were great boys. [But] Kim Jong Woon will be his father's successor. Everyone used to say it. He looked and acted just like him."
Fujimoto said Kim was a fan of Mel Gibson, enjoying screenings of the Australian star's movies in the private theater in his palace. He is also fond of giving out his used gray or blue uniforms as gifts to friends and aides, Fujimoto said.
Given the secrecy surrounding North Korea, it is virtually impossible to confirm Fujimoto's assertions. But Japanese and foreign diplomatic and intelligence sources who have read the book and are familiar with Fujimoto's accounts are taking them very seriously.
Some of what Fujimoto describes -- including an alleged jet ski race Fujimoto said he had with Kim at a summer guesthouse -- appears to exceed the boundaries of what Kim's personal chef might have been called upon to do. But Fujimoto seldom veers into obvious exaggeration and is quick to separate what he heard from others with what he saw. "There have of course been discussions in government circles about his credibility, and the impression is that yeah, generally, this guy is for real," said a diplomatic source in Tokyo familiar with North Korea.
Noriyuki Suzuki, a leading expert on North Korea and director of Tokyo-based Radiopress Inc., which monitors North Korean media, said, "I think the book has strong credibility."
It portrays Kim in much the same way as he is described in a book about his month-long train trip across Russia in 2001. Konstantin Pulikovsky, who traveled with Kim, wrote in "Orient Express" of how the North Korean leader had live lobsters and cases of French wine flown to the train.
Fujimoto said that Kim treated him well. The North Korean leader noticed Fujimoto's interest in a lovely singer frequently called on to perform for the court. Once, for Kim's pleasure, she was ordered to fight a boxing match with another woman, and blood was spilled. Fujimoto cautiously expressed concern for the women, and Kim, with a knowing smile, later sat them together at banquets. Kim blessed their union, and photos in Fujimoto's book show Kim attending their wedding banquet in Pyongyang. When Fujimoto fled North Korea, however, he left his wife behind.
"Kim Jong Il gave me so much: He gave me a new home, let me serve his family and even brought me together with my North Korean wife," Fujimoto said. "But I know he will never forgive me for my betrayal. Sometimes I do wish I could go back, but that would be rather complicated now."
Special correspondent Sachiko Sakamaki contributed to this report.
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Yemen Makes Arrest in USS Cole Bombing
Reuters
Tuesday, March 16, 2004; 8:48 AM
SANAA -- Yemen has arrested a suspected militant wanted over the 2000 bomb attack that killed 17 sailors aboard the USS Cole in the port of Aden, an official Web site said Tuesday.
Security forces arrested Ali Mohamed Omar Shorbajy in the mountainous Abyan region in south Yemen Monday night, the Web site of the ruling General People's Congress said. A hunt is still on in the same area for three other wanted men.
Last week eight men, including six suspects in the attack on the U.S. warship, surrendered to authorities after a week-long siege of Islamic militants in Abyan.
During the operation security forces arrested local al Qaeda leader Abdul Raouf Nassib, who Yemeni officials say masterminded a 2003 jail break by al Qaeda suspects in the bombing of the ship.
Yemen, the ancestral homeland of Osama bin Laden, has been battling militants since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on U.S. cities focused attention on the impoverished country at the tip of the Arabian peninsula.
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Posted by maximpost at 11:07 PM EST
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Blowback from South Korea's impeachment
By David Scofield

SEOUL - The impeachment of South Korean President Roh Moo- hyun may backfire against the conservative opposition that always resented the outsider, defender of the common man, the fighter for the weak and dispossessed. They had the money and the connections, but they lost the election, and they have been gunning for him ever since. Now Roh is comfortably back in the role of underdog, a part in which he excels. And the opposition may be in for some blowback, as the polls show.

About 70,000 Roh supporters gathered peacefully downtown over the weekend to protest the impeachment on Friday of their democratically elected president after just one year of his five-year term. Seoul has not witnessed a popular outpouring of such magnitude since the acquittal of two American soldiers on negligent-homicide charges during the run-up to the presidential elections in the autumn of 2002.

And now, as then, Roh has positioned himself to take advantage of a groundswell of righteous indignation - the plucky rebel, defender of the common man, standing up in defiance of larger, more powerful forces. And now as then, the opposition Grand National Party (GNP) - its leadership so completely out of touch with the realities of contemporary South Korea - has pushed the great, centrist mass of the electorate toward the pro-government Uri Party, or OOP (Our Open Party), camp, just in time for a general election, April 15.

After the impeachment on Friday (the vote was 193-2 in the opposition-controlled National Assembly) it seemed obvious to many that Roh Moo-hyun and his advisers had grossly underestimated the forces that conspired against him. He fumbled the chance to apologize to opposing political forces during a speech last Thursday - appearing arrogant and unrepentant over campaign irregularities - and he inadvertently galvanized the opposition to his presidency. Indeed, as political-science professor Kim Young-il of Sungkyunkwan University said, "It is an extremely simple matter, all Roh has to do is apologize for violating the law." And Roh did apologize Thursday night - to the South Korean people, but not to the National Election Commission or opposing political forces.

Roh was impeached on two grounds:

Receiving illegal funds; though he himself has not been implicated, close aides have been.
Campaigning as a sitting president for a political party - the Uri or OOP, though he was not officially a member of the party. Still, a president is supposed to remain neutral.

Roh, advisers missed opportunities
Roh himself often appears to act or shoot "from the hip", but his advisers have proved to be most astute at reading the political winds when situations demand it - but not always. Roh's ousting of former foreign and trade minister Yoon Young-kwan, for example - sacrificed in essence for contempt within the ranks of the Foreign Ministry - could have led to the appointment of a pro-independence foreign-policy articulator who would tell the Yankees what's what, but it didn't. Roh has emphasized the importance of a South Korean foreign policy furthering South Korean interests, and emphatically independent of Washington when need be, but as a new foreign minister he chose Ban Ki-moon, a universally respected career diplomat not likely to ruffle feathers.

Since taking office, Roh has bemoaned the difficulties of crafting legislation and managing the affairs of state when the opposition-controlled National Assembly fought him at every turn. Consolidating control within the assembly has been his mission since his inauguration just over one year ago. Indeed, Roh's much-ballyhooed referendum promise - he would resign if the people did not support him - has morphed into a proxy vote this April. Roh has declared that a vote for the pro-government OOP would be a vote of confidence for his presidency.

Roh's ousting may have been the result of incompetence by his domestic advisers, but whether by design or by coincidence the impeachment has accentuated Roh's - and by extension the OOP's - strengths.

Roh has always been an underdog. His "aw shucks" man-of-the-people persona is effective: a former farmboy outsider who became a labor lawyer and fought for the disadvantaged. He comes across in speeches as a self-effacing, genuine personality, in sharp contrast to the slickness - some would say sleaze - of many of the nation's longtime politicians.

Back in 2002 Roh was a long shot in the polls
In October 2002, two months before the presidential election, GNP candidate Lee Hoi-chang, longtime conservative politician and former Supreme Court judge, was considered the odds-on favorite to ascend to the nation's highest office. The GNP had the money and the connections, and with former president Kim Dae-jung's family ensnared in seemingly endless bribe and influence-peddling charges, the opposition GNP candidate was a lock - or so it looked.

At the time of the anti-US street demonstrations (two US soldiers had been acquitted of running over two middle-school girls in a training accident), street-savvy Roh saw the potential in the national outpouring after the controversial acquittal. He understood that it was more than a tragic accident, but the passionate manifestation of a nation in change, a movement comprised primarily of voters too young and too affluent to relate to the old Cold War politics that still defines the nation's alliance with the United States.

Roh embraced the younger voter, and played a different political game. He let the GNP attack him, even as it ensured his status as the grossly outmatched underdog. And the GNP heavyweights, long ensconced in privilege and wealth, failed to feel what Roh's supporters were feeling - and so the GNP opposition came to symbolize to many the arrogance of the conservative, pro-American establishment.

But the realities of governing crisis-prone South Korea have been daunting for Roh. Since taking office, his support has dropped from well over 70 percent to around 40 percent before the impeachment. Economic realities, high consumer debt, low consumer confidence, firmly entrenched regionalism and myriad other problems are dealing blow after blow to both the economy and society.

Roh's impeachment has put him squarely back to where he is most comfortable, in the role of underdog, locked in battle with a more powerful foe. This is crisis Roh, and it is Roh at his most potent. Roh is widely considered to be mediocre to ineffectual in his day-to-day governing of the nation, but the opposition has handed Roh a redeeming crisis, a tool with which to rally the Korean people to the cause of the weak but virtuous. This is a perception congruent with many Koreans' perception of themselves and their nation: small, weak and forever put upon by larger, more powerful forces. The GNP has once again ensured Roh's position as the people's president, himself a victim of power and conspiracy.

Koreans think impeachment a mistake - polls
Polls conducted over the weekend show the OOP ahead by double digits throughout the country. Even residents of conservative strongholds such as Daegu respond that the impeachment was a mistake. The GNP is thinking damage control, blaming the press for fanning the flames of dissent, while members of the Millennium Democratic Party (MLD) - co-supporters of the impeachment bill - are calling for the resignation of their party leader Chough Soon-hyung, and others are poised to jump ship to the pro-Roh OOP.

The impeachment has translated into an estimated 5-6 percent increase in support for the OOP, and while it is still a month before the general election, if it can maintain the momentum this impeachment has given them, an OOP victory in April seems likely.

Of course, Roh's impeachment trial before the Constitutional Court will probably not have ended by then. The court has as long as six months to make a decision, and as this is the first democratically elected South Korean president to be impeached, the justices must decide without the aid of precedent, meaning every aspect of the impeachment will have to be examined and conclusively adjudicated. Further, as impeachment prosecutors are members of the National Assembly - the chairpersons of the legislature and the judiciary committees - an OOP election win would theoretically allow the president's OOP supporters to act as his prosecutors.

Roh's camp may not have had the foresight to see the potential boon this impeachment would be to his and the OOP's popularity. Nonetheless, a boon it has been, and while opposition forces begin to attack each other for handing Roh such a "victory", all indications are that Roh and his progressive backers in the OOP may be heading for dominance in the National Assembly. That would allow Roh's team the power and legislative authority to implement far-reaching reforms - including constitutional changes that would relax the single five-year term limit for presidents. Changes would allow presidents to run for re-election after four years, instead of the current single five-year term mandated by the constitution. Such a reform would, according to the OOP, "prevent our national energy from being wasted by frequent elections and stabilize governance". Such a constitutional change would allow a president more time to enact far-reaching changes in South Korea.

How the impeachment came to pass
The Grand National Party, especially the old-guard conservatives within the party, have never accepted Roh's win - he was an outsider, an upstart. To them it was some sort of mistake - after all, they had the money and the connections, they would win. However, there he was in office and there wasn't much the GNP could do - but Roh helped them.

Last autumn, Roh left the Millennium Democratic Party (MDP), the party he rode to victory, the party started by former president Kim Dae-jung. He didn't, and still hasn't, officially joined the OOP, composed mostly of former MDP members but some young GNP members as well. Roh burned some bridges when he left. He weakened the MDP considerably, and even those who had campaigned with him began to speak out against him. The straw that broke that camel's back, though, was his open campaigning for the OOP last month. It's technically illegal for a sitting president to campaign for a political party, but all presidents have done so, including Kim Dae-jung - and no one mentioned impeachment then.

What happened here was the perfect storm: the GNP has been gunning for Roh since the election; getting rid of Roh has been their No 1 priority, over and above matters of state, but on their own they lacked the votes to do much. When Roh endorsed the OOP in a speech on February 24, many in the MDP revolted - they joined forces with the GNP. That didn't add up to enough votes, until Roh delivered a haughty speech and refused to apologize to the Election Commission for any wrongdoings; he did apologize to the people for the fuss. That did it - the opposition had enough votes, a landslide impeachment.

With Prime Minister Goh Kun as acting president, not much is expected to happen - in terms of US relations, possible dispatch of 3,000 South Korean troops to Iraq or in terms of North Korean relations - until the elections next month. Then the whole mess may well blow up in the face of the GNP, which watched the some 70,000 Roh supporters protesting the impeachment. Roh appeared on newscasts - smiling, cracking jokes and telling everyone to be calm and let the courts work it out.

So the once and future president appears a likely figure in South Korea's future - once again.

David Scofield is a lecturer at the Graduate Institute of Peace Studies, Kyung Hee University, Seoul.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)

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Pyongyang pins false hopes on Kerry
By Yoel Sano

As US Senator John Kerry now appears the presumptive Democratic challenger to President George W Bush, North Korea is assessing how its relations with the United States might change, even improve, with a Kerry victory in November. Although a lot can happen in eight months, and the contest looks very close, some polls show Kerry slightly ahead - and Pyongyang's foreign-policy shapers too are looking head, as reflected in its state-controlled media.

But if Pyongyang's leaders are pinning their hopes for better relations on a Kerry victory, they are almost certainly mistaken - relations probably would not improve significantly in a Kerry presidency, though North Korea might buy more time to increase its nuclear stockpile. Kerry could, in fact, prove to be a hardliner and find himself under enormous pressure from conservatives not to make any concessions to North Korea. Further, an examination of the record demonstrates that while some statements appear more moderate and critical of the Bush administration, some of Kerry's other statements are very similar to those made by President Bush - and some are even tougher.

North Korean media rarely comment on US domestic politics, but the state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) and Radio Pyongyang - monitored by South Korea's Yonhap news agency - have recently been reporting on Kerry and his criticism of Bush's exaggerated claims about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Kerry's criticism of what he calls Bush's unproductive hardline policy toward Pyongyang also has been reported on North Korean news programs.

Given North Korea's traditional lack of comment on US domestic politics, the continued references to Kerry, a Massachusetts liberal, is considered significant, not incidental, by many Korea watchers.

Highlighting Kerry's criticism of Bush
In a commentary titled "US must approach six-way talks with sincerity", dated February 23, before the last round of talks on Pyongyang's nuclear program, KCNA said:

"Public figures of different countries, regions and international organizations and media hope to see a peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the United States and the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula with the successful holding of the six-way talks. Growing louder are voices urging the Bush administration to approach the six-way talks beginning from February 25 with sincerity.

"The Bush administration is delaying talks with Pyongyang, said a US Democratic senator [John Kerry] on January 28. He added that it is time a sincere attitude was taken toward negotiation and if the president fails to instruct his officials to honestly approach negotiation and leave no room for this, the US will be unable to get the goal.

"Senator Kerry, who is seeking [the] presidential candidacy of the Democratic Party, sharply criticized President Bush, saying it was an ill-considered act to deny direct dialogue with North Korea." (The KCNA website specifies that quotations must be attributed to the Korean News Service, KCNA, in Tokyo.)

Conservative websites in the US, some of them strongly anti-Kerry, have seized on such comments as proof that the Massachusetts senator is favored by Pyongyang - in effect a kiss of political death - and therefore unworthy of the presidency of the United States.

Judging by these reports, it would appear that North Korea would prefer dealing with a President Kerry than a re-elected President Bush. It is highly likely that Pyongyang would like to see US-North Korea relations return to the status - far from ideal but hardly as dangerous as they are now - they enjoyed in the final 18 months of the presidency of Bill Clinton. That was an all-time high in bilateral relations, but such terms are relative. Clinton almost made a historic, first-ever US presidential trip to North Korea in November 2000, but decided against it at the last minute, apparently uncertain that it would achieve concrete results or become anything but a media circus.

US-North Korean ties improved under Clinton
However, Clinton did receive vice marshal Jo Myong-rok - the first vice chairman of North Korea's National Defense Commission and the second-most-powerful man in the Pyongyang regime - at the White House in early October 2000. Jo was acting as a special envoy from North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, and he remains the most senior North Korean ever to have visited the US. The meeting was remarkable in itself, given that in mid-1994 Clinton strongly considered ordering air strikes on North Korea's nuclear facilities, and vice marshal Jo, who was the North's air force commander at the time, was believed to have been ready to order kamikaze suicide attacks on US naval vessels in nearby waters.

Reciprocating Jo's visit, secretary of state Madeleine Albright traveled to Pyongyang two weeks later, on October 23, becoming the most senior US official ever to visit North Korea, where she was hosted by Kim Jong-il himself. (Former US president Jimmy Carter traveled to Pyongyang during the 1994 nuclear crisis and held a meeting with the then "Great Leader", Kim Il-sung, but Carter had been retired for 13 years at that point, and his visit was undertaken in a private capacity.) Other notable Americans who visited North Korea during Clinton's second term included former defense secretary William Perry in May 1999 and, in a bizarre case, Clinton's half-brother Roger, a musician, who performed in a charity rock concert organized jointly by North and South Korean musicians in December 1999.

By contrast, bilateral relations under the Bush presidency have been frosty from the start. After September 11, 2001, Bush designated North Korea as a member of the "axis of evil", joining Iraq and Iran, and shortly afterward US officials leaked a story that North Korea is one of seven countries that the Pentagon sees as possible targets for nuclear strikes under certain conditions. Further, Bush told Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward that he personally "loathe[s]" Kim Jong-il.

With all of this in mind, it is hardly surprising that Pyongyang would like to see the back of Bush.

Kerry's agenda is little different from Bush's
Pyongyang may somewhat optimistic, though, if it expects dramatically improved treatment under a President Kerry. True, his few pronouncements on the North Korean issue have had a more moderate tone than Bush's. But the actual picture is somewhat more complicated.

Kerry told the New York Times on March 6 that he favors direct bilateral talks with North Korea - which is one of Pyongyang's long-standing demands rejected by Bush. Kerry also criticized the US for sending "mixed and bad messages" to Pyongyang by breaking the 1972 US-Soviet Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty and developing more nuclear bunker-busting weapons.

Kerry's conservative opponents claimed that his willingness to engage in direct talks - as opposed to the current arrangement of six-way North Korea talks involving China, Japan, South Korea, Russia and the United States - makes him too amenable to Pyongyang's demands. The Bush administration repeatedly has said it will not "reward" Pyongyang's "bad behavior" in any way. North Korea seeks direct talks because this would increase its sense of prestige in the world, elevating its status by negotiating with a superpower. The US has favored the multilateral approach because it wants to be seen taking into account the views of key allies Japan and South Korea, as well as major powers China and Russia.

However, should a future President Kerry engage directly with North Korea, Pyongyang might soon find that the six-way talks offer it far more room for maneuver and delay than one-on-one talks. This is because it is inherently more complex for the United States and North Korea to negotiate in the presence of four other countries, at least two of which (China and Russia) have historically been sympathetic to Pyongyang, while the other two have been against it. In the six-way talks, all parties must act not only keeping Washington and Pyongyang in mind, but also minding how they view and relate to one another. Kerry's direct talks - if they ever were to take place - would remove these complications, potentially allowing for greater US pressure on North Korea.

Kerry article spelled out his North Korea policy
Kerry delivered his most comprehensive statement on North Korea in a Washington Post opinion piece published last August 6, long before he became the Democratic Party candidate for the presidency. Overall, it suggests few real differences with the Bush administration's policy.

In the opinion article, Kerry advocated negotiations, but so does the Bush administration. In terms of goals, Kerry wrote that "ultimately, our goal is to force North Korea to dismantle its nuclear-weapons program through an internationally verifiable process ... in a way that prevents the North Koreans from extracting concessions from us absent compliance by them". This is exactly what George W Bush is demanding.

On Pyongyang's demand for a security guarantee from the US, Kerry was slightly more accommodating, noting, "US commitment not to increase its offensive capabilities on the Korean Peninsula while Pyongyang is freezing its nuclear activities is one obvious - and I believe verifiable - way to move forward". However, barely a sentence later, he added, "but we must make clear that we retain all options, including military options, if North Korea breaks the freeze".

Naturally, it's the part about "military options" that worries Pyongyang. Fear of a US invasion a la Iraq has fueled its desire for a non-aggression pact with the United States. Kerry didn't specifically mention such a treaty in his article.

Kerry even tougher on drugs, human rights
Kerry also went on to raise other topics that would surely anger Pyongyang, if he were ever to become president:

"We must be prepared to negotiate a comprehensive agreement that addresses the full range of issues of concern to the United States and its allies - North Korea's nuclear, chemical, and missile programs, conventional force deployment, drug running, and human rights - as well as North Korea's concerns about security and development." The last two of these issues - security and economic development - are fine with Pyongyang, but the other items on Kerry's agenda are steps that even Bush is not demanding.

If a President Kerry were to force these on to the negotiating table, talks between the two sides would soon become very frosty - especially since North Korea is believed to earn a hefty sum from drug smuggling, and because as many as 200,000 of its citizens may be held in concentration and forced-labor camps.

Kerry concluded his article by saying that pursuing comprehensive negotiations would strengthen Washington's position since there would be more grounds for the military option should peaceful efforts fail. On the two occasions that Kerry mentions Kim Jong-il, he refers to him as a "despotic leader" and a "paranoid dictator". Again, this is hardly music to Pyongyang's ears.

Bearing in mind Kerry's statements and article, Pyongyang would be foolish to assume automatically that its national well-being and international relations would be better under a Kerry presidency. Yet it now appears that Pyongyang has decided not to make any serious concessions to the United States in six-way talks this year - with a view to seeing who wins the US election (see Talks aside, North Korea won't give up nukes, March 2).

From all indications, North Korea decided some time ago that its surest form of defense lay in the possession of nuclear weapons, and that it would use negotiations with the US and its allies as a way of stalling for more time in which to build up its stockpile. Further, Pyongyang is probably counting on the likelihood that there will be "no war in '04", since this is an election year, and Bush would not want to jeopardize his popularity by waging a costly war on the Korean Peninsula.

A New Mexican standoff with Bill Richardson?
However, from Pyongyang's point of view, the regime may not necessarily see a contradiction in continuing to push for a security guarantee and diplomatic relations with the US, while retaining its nukes "just in case". Pyongyang appears to see a Kerry victory as more conducive to achieving this goal. This would be especially true in a Kerry administration if his foreign-policy team included many Clinton-era officials who are familiar to Pyongyang.

Indeed, although Kerry has yet to name a vice-presidential running mate, one name that has been floated and whom Pyongyang would probably welcome is New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson. Since December 1994, Richardson has had extensive experience negotiating with Pyongyang; at that time he secured the release of a US helicopter pilot who had been captured by North Korea after a crash. He also had diplomatic contacts with North Korean officials in his capacity as US ambassador to the United Nations from 1997-98 and and as US energy secretary from 1998-2001. In his cabinet posting he oversaw the provision of US fuel shipments and new nuclear reactors for North Korea under the terms of the 1994 Agreed Framework - the idea was to give North Korea alternatives to uranium and plutonium that could be used to produce weapons.

In January 2003 the current nuclear crisis was unfolding, after Pyongyang's decision to restart its main nuclear reactor. Then North Korean officials traveled to New Mexico, approaching Richardson and asking him to serve as a back channel to the Bush administration. If Richardson were to become vice president, Pyongyang might see him as a friendly, or at least familiar, ear in the White House.

It is precisely Kerry's moderate background that might preclude him from being hasty in granting concessions to Pyongyang if he becomes president. Democrats have long been accused of being soft on national-security issues, and Kerry would be under intense pressure from Republicans not to concede too much, too quickly. This is especially true given that the neo-conservatives around Bush, who withhold any criticism of the president for fear of alienating him, could become much more vocal if forced into opposition.

The realities of office and power also could make Kerry take a harder line with Pyongyang. Few politicians stick to their pre-election agendas once elected, as they grasp the complexities and competing forces that bear on any issue. Although Clinton mellowed toward Pyongyang in his second term, in early 1993 he visited the inter-Korean Demilitarized Zone and warned, "It is pointless for North Korea to try to develop nuclear weapons, because if they ever used them, it would be the end of their country." And in June 1994, as mentioned already, Clinton was seriously contemplating ordering air strikes on North Korea - which would have led to war.

Democrats not 'soft' on defense and security
North Korea's foreign-policy makers and analysts must also be aware that the notion that Democratic presidents are weaker than Republicans, especially on security, is contradicted by the historical record. Franklin D Roosevelt led the US into World War II, and his successor, Harry S Truman, authorized the first-ever use of the atomic bomb, against Japan. It was also Truman who repelled North Korea's invasion of the South in the Korean War, with a devastating effect on North Korea itself. It was another Democratic president, John F Kennedy, who risked nuclear confrontation with the Soviet Union during the Cuban missile crisis, and it was Lyndon Johnson who escalated the United States' last war in Asia, in Vietnam.

And it was Jimmy Carter - often seen as a weak postwar president - who, five months before the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, signed a directive aimed at destabilizing latter's communist regime by supporting Islamic fundamentalist forces.

Pyongyang may at last be waking up to these facts. KCNA stated recently that "whoever is elected US president should be willing to make a switchover in its policy toward the DPRK (Democratic People's Republic of Korea), drop the hostile policy toward it and express readiness to coexist with it". The key, therefore, lies in a change of policy rather than a change in president.

Paradoxically, if George W Bush wins a second term, then he may be in a better position to reach some sort of agreement with North Korea. For one thing, he would be free of electoral or congressional backlashes. Also, Republicans would more likely tolerate a deal with North Korea signed by a Republican president than a new Democratic president. For Pyongyang, a hardliner would at least clearly spell out terms and conditions, whereas moderation could be mistaken for weakness, or even be seen as a form of deception.

Just as only the late president Richard M Nixon could go to China, perhaps only George W Bush could go to Pyongyang.

Yoel Sano has worked for publishing houses in London, providing political, security and economic analysis, and has been following North Korea, as well as other Northeast Asian developments, for more than 10 years.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)

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THE ROVING EYE
The emergence of hyperterrorism
By Pepe Escobar

"If you don't stop your injustices, more blood will flow and these attacks are very little compared with what may happen with what you call terrorism."
- Abu Dujan al-Afghani, purported military spokesman for al-Qaeda in Europe, claiming responsibility on video for the Madrid bombings.

The "al-Qaedization" of terrorism in Europe is a political "big bang". According to intelligence estimates in Brussels, there may be an invisible army of up to 30,000 holy warriors spread around the world, which begs the question: how will Western democracies be able to fight them?

The Madrid bombings have already produced the terrorists' desired effect: fear. Cities all across Europe fear they may be targeted for the next massacre of the innocents. On his October 18, 2003 tape, Osama bin Laden warned that Italy, Britain and Poland, as well as Spain - all staunch Washington allies in the invasion and occupation of Iraq - would be struck. Sheikh Omar Bakri, spiritual leader of the Islamist group al-Mouhajiroun, said in London he "wouldn't be surprised if Italy is the next target".

Social paranoia inevitably will be on the rise - and the main victims are bound to be millions of European Muslims. Racist political parties like Jean Marie le Pen's National Front in France and Umberto Bossi's Northern League in Italy will pump up the volume of their extremely vicious anti-Islamic xenophobia. For scores of moderate European politicians, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain their support for a solution to the Palestinian tragedy - as the Sharon government in Israel spins the line that both Israel and Europe are "victims of terrorism".

This Wednesday, the European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, will ask the EU to name an expert to be in charge of "coordinating" the action of the 15 countries (soon to be 25). Belgium's Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt has proposed the creation of a European Intelligence Center to combat terrorism. Currently, each national intelligence service acts on its own, not always connected with Europol, the continent's police body in The Hague. A special cell in Brussels, for instance, conducts its own, separate investigations.

The new al-Qaeda virus
The special cell in Brussels considers that the Madrid bombings required "minute preparations, money, experience and cohesion". This has led European specialists on Islamist movements, like Antoine Basbus, director of the Observatory of Arab Countries, and Olivier Roy, a research director at the French Center of Scientific Research, to agree that al-Qaeda is now operating on three layers: the originals, or Arab-Afghans who were part of the anti-Soviet jihad in the 1980s; the franchised local groups; and the recent "converts" who provide the crucial link between the "base" and the local outfits.

The anti-terrorist experts in Brussels tell Asia Times Online they had known for some time that the original "base" of the al-Qaeda was greatly depleted. After all, Mohammed Atta, the leading military planner, and Mahfouz Ould, one of the leading ideologues, have been killed. Abu Zubaida, in charge of recruiting, and Ibn Sheikh Al-Libi, in charge of training, are in jail. But unlike the Americans roughly a year ago, the experts in Brussels did not assume that al-Qaeda was broken. They stress that al-Qaeda's real danger is "their persistent capacity to incite and collaborate with local groups" - they estimate there may be around 40 of these - to act in their own countries. "But we are even more concerned about groups that we don't know anything about."

The Moroccan arm of al-Qaeda, for instance, is the little-known Moroccan Islamic Combatants Group. The experts in Brussels now confirm that Saudis and Moroccans came to Madrid to plan the bombings alongside Islamist residents of Spain. But al-Qaeda is not only active in the Maghreb: it is very well connected in sub-Saharan Africa, in places not yet fully investigated like the Ivory Coast and the Central African Republic.

For months now, ever since the Istanbul bombings in November 2003, different European intelligence services have been afraid they would have to confront a mutated enemy. Most services were in fact sure that Istanbul represented the first attack on Europe. The possibility of further use of chemical and bacteriological weapons, and even nuclear "dirty bombs", was not, and now more than ever is not, discarded.

Roy says that recruiting is now being conducted locally because "mobility is more difficult; there is not a place anymore where one goes to meet the chief or to get training". Recruiting campaigns continue all over the EU. For instance, one of the perpetrators of the bombing of the UN office in Baghdad in August 2003 was recruited in Italy. Other recruits in Spain, Germany and Norway ended up in Iraq via Syria. Global jihad, of which al-Qaeda is the leading exponent, is above all an idea. It thrives on spectacular terrorist attacks. Targets may have no strategic interest: what matters is terror as a spectacle - like bombing a nightclub in Bali. Madrid represented something much more sophisticated because in the Western collective consciousness it was the link between an American ally and the war on Iraq.

Spain may have become a new symbol of the clash between the jihadis' version of Islam and the "Jews and Crusaders". But as far as global jihad is concerned, it doesn't matter whether a European democracy like Spain is governed by conservatives or socialists. Al-Qaeda is an apocalyptic sect betting on the clash of civilizations: Islamic jihadis against "Jews and Crusaders". It is the same with the Bush administration spinning a "war on terror": James Woolsey, a former Central Intelligence Agency head, believes this is the Fourth World War and conservative guru Samuel Huntington bets on, what else, a "clash of civilizations".

Al-Qaeda's biggest problem is that it has no legitimacy in the Middle East as far as the key issues, Palestine and Iraq, are concerned. Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, al-Qaeda's No 2, were never interested in the Palestinian struggle. In Roy's formula, "Al-Qaeda represents the globalization of Islam, not of the Middle Eastern conflicts."

The Osama factor
Al-Qaeda is a nebula in total dispersion, locally and globally. Take Osama's audio-video productions: they are always delivered to the world via Islamabad, but the distribution chain is so fragmented that no one can go back to the source. Tribal chiefs protect bin Laden all over the Pakistan-Afghan border for two reasons: because he is a Muslim and because he fought in the anti-Soviet jihad in the 1980s. This has nothing to do with September 11 - which for tribal leaders is something akin to a trip to the moon - and it goes beyond the US$25 million bounty on bin Laden's head. Most Afghans don't like Arabs and blame them for every disaster in the last 25 years. But every tomb of an Arab killed by an American bomb in 2001 is honored like a holy place.

The experts in Brussels consider that the possible capture of Osama in the upcoming spring offensive may not change anything, because in the current global jihad modus operandi the "base" retains all the initiative.

Roy insists military muscle simply does not work: "We are able to fight al-Qaeda with police operations, intelligence and justice. On a political level, one must make sure that they don't have a social base: already they don't have a political wing, sympathizers, intellectuals, newspapers or unions. They must be isolated. There's only one way for this to happen: full integration of Muslims," That's the exact opposite of the stigma privileged by conservative governments and racist, xenophobic parties.

Key conclusions
According to the experts in the Brussels anti-terrorist cell, proving al-Qaeda's responsibility in the Madrid bombings will lead to three important conclusions:
1. Al-Qaeda is back in the spectacular attack business, even if the attack is perpetrated by affiliates.
2. Cells remain very much active around Europe, and the West as a whole remains a key target.
3. Global jihad has achieved one of its key objectives, which is to strike against one of Washington's allies in Iraq.

The repercussions of all these conclusions are of course immense - from Washington to all major European capitals and spilling to the arc from the Middle East to Central and South Asia.

Brussels also alerts that this happens independently of other al-Qaeda objectives which remain very much in place: the departure of all American soldiers from Saudi soil; the fall of the House of Saud; and the expulsion of Jews from the Middle East. Al-Qaeda's ultimate objective is a caliphate. As far as the absolute majority of Muslims in the world are concerned, the global jihad's most seductive appeal undoubtedly remains its struggle to end the American imperial control of Islamic lands.

Romano Prodi, head of the European Commission, says that force is not working against terrorism: "Terrorism now is more powerful than before." Most European politicians and intellectuals - apart from Blair, Berlusconi, Aznar and their friends - consider that the Bush administration's response to asymmetric warfare has only served to increase the threat. It's a classic reductio ad absurdum. Increasingly lethal American military muscle deployed all over the Islamic world has led to more lethal terrorist attacks, in the Islamic world and also in the West. More muscled defense of hard targets, or strategic targets, has led to more indiscriminate attacks on so-called soft targets (like the Madrid trains). Madrid is a tragic mirror of Baghdad and Karbala: more than 200 innocent workers and students died in Madrid, more than 200 innocent pilgrims died in Iraq.

Not only in Brussels or the European Parliament in Strasbourg is there practically a consensus that the beginning of a solution for the terrorism problem is the end of both the Israeli occupation of Palestine and the American occupation of Iraq. Madrid once again proved that terrorism practices the ultimate in nihilist politics. There's no possible diplomacy. No possible negotiation. It does not bend when attacked by military power. It has no territory and no population to defend, and no military or civil installations to protect. Al-Qaeda is not a Joint Chiefs of Staff: it is an idea. It commands faithful servants, not soldiers. It has nothing to do with war - as the Bush administration insists - and much less with a war on Iraq. One of the reasons invoked for the war on Iraq - the link between Saddam and al-Qaeda - was turned upside down: more al-Qaeda infiltration in the West is a consequence of the war, not less.

In the corridors of Brussels, and in the streets of Madrid, Barcelona, Rome, Milan, London and Paris, Europe was given a rude awakening. All the evidence now screams that reshaping the Middle East from a base in occupied Iraq is not leading to less terrorism: it is leading to hyperterrorism.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
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The al-Qaeda franchise
By Richard Giragosian

Although the investigation into the recent bombings in Spain is still underway, three different scenarios have emerged, each of which suggests a number of worrisome issues, particularly in the context of the US-led "war on terror". The first scenario, pointing to the Basque ETA separatist organization as the culprits, was the initial reaction that emerged from Spanish authorities and remained firmly entrenched as Madrid's official position for some time.

Despite the fact that this ETA scenario seems increasingly unlikely as the investigation proceeds, initial analysis was grounded in the fact that the explosives and detonators used in the bombings were allegedly linked to the ETA organization. But this factor was the only positive linkage, as the other elements were rooted in either the negative - such as clues pointing away from traditional ETA methods - to the speculative, mainly resting on the political choreography that the attacks were aimed at disrupting Spain's national election.

The second scenario under consideration focuses on al-Qaeda, with the assistance of local activists. Obviously, other factors moving the inquiry in this direction include the arrest and links to the bombings of three Moroccans with allegedly extensive ties to al-Qaeda, the discovery of a stolen van with Koranic tapes and the video release claiming al-Qaeda responsibility. According to this scenario, the bombings represent the al-Qaeda network's first major attack on Europe proper and pose several new troubling developments for the anti-terror movement.

The most notable development in this case includes a modification of tactics by al-Qaeda, moving away from its traditional use of suicide bombers and utilizing synchronized bombs triggered remotely, as well as a more sophisticated recognition of the political vulnerabilities of Western democracies and their inherent susceptibility to properly timed terrorist disruptions. The most interesting implication from this scenario is the suggestion that al-Qaeda has succeeded in using the attacks as its own form of "regime change", forging a role in bringing down a Western government.

The most intriguing analysis, however, is found in the third scenario, suggesting a new alliance between radical elements of the ETA and the al-Qaeda network. This scenario rests on several important, although still somewhat disparate, factors. The first link in this analytical ETA-al-Qaeda chain rests with an individual: Yusuf Galan, a Spanish national (and Islam convert) charged with ties to al-Qaeda back in November 2001. The second link is operational, stemming from a reported record of ETA supplying explosives to Islamic terrorists in general, and to the Palestinian militant group Hamas, in particular. Such a linkage also raises fears in neighboring France, which has its own recent history of ETA members operating on its territory.

Adding to the complexity of the investigation, there is also a deeper level of troubling trends in this possible ETA-al-Qaeda combination. Specifically, the revelation that some 80 radical ETA militants were reportedly in Iraq prior to the war and that some were allegedly implicated in the November 2003 killing of seven Spanish intelligence agents in Suwayrah raise new fears of a renewed terror threat. In fact, two of these 80 radical ETA members that were in Iraq were later arrest by the Spanish authorities as they attempted to transport some 500 kilograms of explosives to Madrid on February 29. Endowing ETA with a new global reach based on a tactical alliance with the al-Qaeda network and/or the Iraqi insurgency would significantly "raise the stakes" in the current round of the war on terrorism, with troubling implications for a Europe set to become only more vulnerable with the looming expansion of its visa-free borders.

Regardless of which scenario turns out to be the most accurate, there is perhaps an even more significant lesson that this speculation over the responsibility for the attacks has tended to obscure: what it reveals about the transformation of al-Qaeda. Even in the event that al-Qaeda itself is not directly involved in the bombings, the renewed focus on the group has demonstrated that it has substantially changed from Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda of September 11, 2001. This transformation consists of a move from what is defined as al-Qaeda from the "corporate terrorism" structure under bin Laden's direct control to what has more recently been termed as a "terror franchise". The attacks in Morocco and Turkey, well before Spain, were what first revealed this "phased transition". The threat is now posed by "al-Qaeda the movement" and not "al-Qaeda the international terrorist organization". Such a decentralizing, broadening shift away from the original al-Qaeda organization into a new more diverse array of local, more distantly linked affiliates makes targeting its center of gravity, or even acquiring the target, especially difficult.

Moreover, this new al-Qaeda movement also incorporates the local offshoots of radical Islamic groups as more autonomous franchises throughout the periphery of the Islamic world. Matched by a more localized focus, this movement is marked by local operators acting on their own soil (local Turks involved with the attacks in Turkey, local Moroccans carrying out the attacks in Morocco, etc) with little or no global reach but using the tenets of al-Qaeda to enhance their standing within their own smaller arena of operations. And although arguably to bolster the global jihad, the priority is on promoting the image, appeal, and even the recruiting opportunities of home-grown groups in their home countries. This is also seen by the increased activity in peripheral states of Indonesia, the Philippines, and most recently even in the West African nation of Chad.

This also seems to be reflected in the current strategy of the remnants of the bin Laden al-Qaeda organization, still struggling to regroup and hindered by a greatly weakened command and control structure. For the al-Qaeda organization, its priorities are Iraq and its remaining refuge along the Pakistani-Afghan border. The attacks carried out under the banner of al-Qaeda by the local, but remote affiliates serve to uphold the broader struggle, an important element, but no longer exhibiting the extensive preparations and global ambitions of the previous al-Qaeda. Thus, it seems likely that attacks in the name of the al-Qaeda movement will continue and most likely spread, but will be limited more to attacks of opportunity than of global strategy and increasingly isolated to the fringe areas of the periphery.

The course of this new al-Qaeda movement is not without historical parallel, however. In fact, there is an ironic similarity between the ideological justification and tactical support provided by the Soviet Union to the international communist movement of the 20th century, whereby so-called communists waged wars of national liberation and/or outright terrorism in the name of an overarching communist ideology in such remote places as small, isolated countries in Central America, Africa or even in parts of Europe through urban terrorism. But in the case of these operatives, including such urban-focused terrorist groups as the Red Brigades, Action Directe, Baader-Meinhoff and others, their viability proved short-lived, with an intensity so destructive that it eventually turned on itself. It remains to be seen whether the al-Qaeda movement will meet the same demise.

Richard Giragosianis a Washington-based analyst specializing in international relations and military security in the former Soviet Union, the Middle East and the Asia-Pacific region.
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Madrid: UN's credibility critically wounded
By Ritt Goldstein

Within hours of Thursday's fateful Madrid blasts the United Nations Security Council met. During a five minute session the council's 15 members unanimously adopted a resolution condemning the Basque separatist group ETA for the deadly attacks. But as it became increasingly clear that ETA was not responsible, questions of attempted manipulation of the public were abundant.

Spain's ruling Popular Party went down in defeat to the Socialists in Sunday's national election. It did so amid accusations that the government had withheld information on the bombings in an effort to influence the forthcoming vote.

A tough line on ETA had long been part of the Popular Party's platform. If indeed such a horrific ETA attack occurred, it would be certain to win Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar's chosen successor the prime ministership. But with the Iraq war strongly unpopular among Spaniards, Islamic jihadi involvement in Thursday's nightmare would have grave implications for the Popular Party's votes, and it indeed did.

Despite doubts among experts in many corners, the Spanish government's reaction to Thursday's tragedy was immediate. Spain's interior minister, Angel Acebes, demanded that there was "no doubt" with regard to ETA's responsibility. But while Spanish passions could well be expected to influence judgement, what of the 14 remaining members of the Security Council? And notably, this was the first instance of a terrorist attack where any group was ever explicitly condemned by the council, let alone done so in five minutes.

Explaining how ETA came to be blamed, the council's French president, Ambassador Jean-Marc de la Sabliere, said: "The Spanish government stated that, and the Spanish delegation has asked the council to put this element in their resolution and members of the council accepted it." The US ambassador to the United Nation, John Negroponte, explained that blame was assigned to ETA at the Spanish government's urging, and because "it is the judgement of the government of Spain that these attacks were carried out by ETA and we have no information to the contrary".

Though repeated questions were raised in many quarters, and the head of Europol, Juergen Storbeck, had voiced reservations regarding ETA's involvement, the Security Council nevertheless chose to condemn ETA. But the fact that council members such as the US and France chose to portray their action based upon the Spanish government's wishes, illustrated a concurrent distancing from the decision. The council's actions were appreciated as questionable from their outset.

On Saturday, as Spanish protesters accused their government of attempting to promote the theory of ETA's responsibility for its political advantage, Acebes repeatedly insisted that ETA was the prime suspect. But on Thursday, the Spanish police had already found a van containing detonators and a tape of Koranic verses, ETA had issued a rare denial of responsibility and concurrently blamed "an operation of the Arab resistance" and an al-Qaeda related group had claimed the act as their own. Something else was uncovered as well.

In Thursday's alleged al-Qaeda letter claiming responsibility, the group Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades taunted Aznar and the coalition forces, saying: "Aznar, where is America? Who will protect you, Britain, Japan, Italy and others from us?" The specter of the "war on terrorism" bringing the terrorism increases that had been warned of by Western intelligence services became suddenly real. And the vulnerability of the Iraq Coalition's democratic governments to be voted from office - many of these governments supporting the war in spite of substantive popular protest - became a reality too.

The Spanish government is the first of those in this category to fall, in spite of the Security Council's action which might have given it the legitimacy to continue. And efforts were made to maintain that legitimacy, to cite ETA as potentially involved - both within Spain and abroad - through Sunday's election.

A Sunday Reuters article reported that: "Some Spaniards were vitriolic in accusing Aznar of 'manipulating' public opinion over the bombings." And on Sunday's national US television, Secretary of State Colin Powell, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice all insisted that there was insufficient information to know who was responsible for the Madrid attacks. But this was long after Thursday's Security Council resolution naming ETA, and with an apparent election debacle facing Spain's war supporters that very day.

Notably, the Bush administration has claimed al-Qaeda activity at every opportunity. Their failure to do so here, and in the face of substantive evidence of Islamic jihadi activity, being the one curious exception.

Highlighting another agenda, all three US officials argued that the Madrid attacks should firm world resolve in the "war on terror", with Rice insisting the war was being won. Their television appearances could be described as containing elements of a "pep talk". But as the new Spanish prime minister, Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, has just said that he will recall Spain's 1,300 Iraqi peacekeeping troops by June 30, the rationale behind a broad effort to preserve and promote war on terror support becomes more apparent.

In a statement laden with paradox, Rumsfeld likened the coalition efforts to helping "the neighborhood children against the bully". But the secretary appears to have blithely forgotten the accusations by many UN members of Bush administration bullying in the run-up to the Iraq War.

Much to his credit, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan repeatedly avoided media queries as regards responsibility for Madrid, but simultaneously demonstrated the UN's weakness in the face of big-power politics. Notably, it was the fate of the UN's predecessor, the League of Nations, to fall during the 1930's as the world's major powers of the time chose to pursue paths of national expediency rather than multilateral interest.

A 1999 report by the US Department of Defense emphasized that the existence of a multilateral world, a multipolar world, was the best way to ensure lasting global stability. But it warned that: "International systems tend to last two to three generations. They are both created and destroyed by large-scale conflict. Like complex biological systems, international systems appear to go through life cycles with birth, flexibility in youth, more rigidity as the system matures, and demise."

Many international diplomats have recently called for the UN's "revision and renewal", and particularly a revised design for the Security Council.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)



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>> UN WATCH...

U.N. Will Probe Its Oil for Food Program
Phil Brennan
Tuesday, Mar. 16, 2004
"Mother's-milky though it sounds, the oil-for-food program has enough graft, mismanagement, and Saddam strengthening patronage to turn one permanently against both oil and food.
A real critique could occupy volumes -- and does, in fact, occupy much of an exhaustive analysis, titled "Sources of Revenue for Saddam and Sons," recently issued by the Washington-based Coalition for International Justice, a group that monitors human-rights abuses around the world.
So wrote Tish Durkin way back in the October 7, 2002 National Journal in a blistering critique of the U.N.'s graft-ridden oil for food program supposed to provide aid for Iraq's people devastated by the U.N. embargo.
Nobody paid much attention then, but new revelations are now proving there was much more to the story than the facts she presented in her article in which she complained that nobody was minding the store.
"Through regular but vague accounting practices, the members of the Security Council are kept apprised of how much money has been earned through the program, and how much has been allocated to each sector," she wrote.
"But they do not know how much has been spent, or on what. Incredibly, the oil-for-food program has never been audited. Yes: one madman, 10 agencies, 15 independently self-interested Security Council members, more than 50 billion smackers, zero audits," she added.
It now develops that instead of providing help for innocent Iraqi's, the Oil for Food program became a gigantic multi-billion slush fund which Saddam Hussein, Durkin's "madman" used to reward his supporters abroad, including, it is now alleged, the program's top U.N. executive.
It is now clear that Saddam Hussein bribed his way around the world, buying the support of presidents, ministers, legislators, political parties and Christian churches, documents published in Iraq show.
In a report on March 1, 2004, "U.N. Oil-for-Food Scam: Time for Hearings," the Heritage Foundation's Nile Gardiner, Ph.D., and James Phillips cited a New York Times story which reported, "Saddam Hussein's government systematically extracted billions of dollars in kickbacks from companies doing business with Iraq, funneling most of the illicit funds through a network of foreign bank accounts in violation of United Nations sanctions."
Confirming Suspicions
According to Heritage, "The evidence emerging from Baghdad confirms the suspicions of the U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO), which had earlier estimated that the Iraqi regime generated several billion dollars in illicit earnings through surcharges and oil smuggling in the period between 1997 and 2001."
Just how Saddam Hussein abused the United Nation's oil-for-food program is becoming clear with the release by the Iraqi Governing Council charging that the program was systematically looted by Saddam.
"In effect the program," Heritage noted, was little more than "an open bazaar of payoffs, favoritism and kickbacks. The seriousness of these charges warrants investigation by the U.S. Congress and an independent, Security Council-appointed commission."
And "Monday Morning," a Lebanese magazine summed up the emerging scandal when they reported that Iraq's suppliers included Russian factories, Arab trade brokers, European manufacturers and state-owned companies in China and the Middle East. It estimated that Saddam Hussein's government would have collected as much as 2.3 billion dollars of the 32.6 billion dollars' worth of contracts it signed since mid-2000, when the kickback system began.
The system was in operation at the same time when Saddam's government and its supporters were complaining that U.N. sanctions against Iraq were causing starvation and misery among its people, the paper indicated.
"Everybody was feeding off the carcass of what was Iraq", Ali Allawi, a former World Bank official who is now interim Iraqi trade minister, told the Times.
U.N. officials told the newspaper they were unaware of the systematic skimming of oil-for-food revenues, saying they were focused on running aid programs and assuring food deliveries.
Not surprisingly, Benon Sevan, director of the U.N. Office of Iraq Programs, declined to be interviewed about the oil-for-food program.
In written responses to questions sent by e-mail, his office said he learned of the kickback scheme from the occupation authority only after the end of major combat operations in Iraq last year.
After refusing demands that it investigate its Oil For food program the United Nations has now given into international pressure and says it will look into the scandal ridden operation run by one of its top officials who himself has been implicated in the alleged corruption surrounding it.
U.N. Caves In
According to Britain's Telegraph newspaper, the U.N. caved in and agreed to an investigation on the heels of charges by Iraq's governing council that U.N. officials were involved in what amounted to a bribery set-up by Saddam, which apparently granted proceeds from the sale of million of barrels of oil to friendly politicians, officials and businessmen around the world.
The Iraqis have hired KPMG an accounting firm and an international law firm, Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer, to investigate claims that huge sums of money meant to buy food and medicine for ordinary Iraqis - were diverted through oil "vouchers" to line pockets abroad, the Daily Telegraph reported.
"It will not come as a surprise if the Oil-for-Food Program turns out to have been one of the world's most disgraceful scams, and an example of inadequate control, responsibility and transparency, providing an opportune vehicle for Saddam Hussein to operate under the U.N. aegis to continue his reign of terror and oppression," wrote Claude Hankes-Drielsma, a British businessman in a March 3 letter to Kofi Annan, the U.N. Secretary General.
The U.N., he charged, appeared to have "failed in its responsibility" to the Iraqi people and to the international community.
Among those implicated in the scandal was Benon Sevan, the Assistant Secretary General - director of Oil-for-Food since 1996. Sevan is on vacation until the end of April, when he is due to retire from the United Nations Secretariat, a U.N. spokesman told the Telegraph.
Sevan's name is among those cited in documents allegedly recovered from Baghdad's Oil Ministry that are at the heart of the investigation launched by the Iraqi Governing Council.
In Receipt of Oil Vouchers
In January, an Iraqi newspaper published a list of 270 individuals and organizations which allegedly received oil vouchers up to 1999. It is not known if the documents on which the list was based are authentic.
The Iraqi Oil Ministry recently released a partial list of names of individuals and companies from across the world that received oil from Saddam Hussein's regime, allegedly at below-market prices.
Unsurprisingly, French and Russian names dominate the list, with former French Interior Minister Charles Pasqua and the "director of the Russian President's office" listed as beneficiaries.
The list also implicates Sevan, who has denied any wrongdoing and said he was only following orders when running the program.
Hankes-Drielsma first alerted Annan to the potential scandal last December and asked him to instigate an "independent commission." In a letter dated December 5, he wrote of his belief that "serious transgressions have taken place" and urged the U.N. to start an inquiry to "take the moral high ground and the initiative in demonstrating to the world that those guilty will be brought to account."
He launched the governing council probe after Annan offered no response to the documents from the Oil Ministry. KPMG accountants and the Freshfields law firm have been instructed to investigate a list of irregularities including:
U.N. approval of oil contracts to "non-end users" - middlemen who sold their stake on for a profit.

A standard 10 per cent addition to the value of oil invoices, which generated up to ?2.2 billion in illegal cash funds for Saddam.
A fee of two per cent, levied on all oil-for-food transactions to allow the U.N. to inspect all food and medical imports - which does not appear to have been effectively spent since food was rotten and medicines out of date.
The role of Middle Eastern banks, their auditing and their possible suspected connection to Saddam's secret service.
Hankes-Drielsma described three documents to the Telegraph on which he said Sevan's name appeared, and said: "Our report will clarify the details." One is headed, "Quantity of Oil Allocated and Given to Benon Sevan," and records 1.8 million barrels allocated to Mr. Sevan.
Sevan issued a denial in response to A Wall Street Journal Feb. 9 article. There is absolutely no substance to the allegations . . . that I had received oil or oil monies from the former Iraqi regime," he said through a spokesman.
"Those making the allegations should come forward and provide the necessary documentary evidence."
The Heritage report concluded that the abuse of the oil-for-food program was the result of a staggering management failure on the part of the United Nations and has raised troubling questions about the credibility and competence of the world organization.
Several conclusions can be drawn:
The oil-for-food debacle reinforces the need for sweeping reform of the United Nations bureaucracy and the need for an annual external audit if its accounts.
Senior U.N. bureaucrats with responsibility for running the oil-for-food program should be investigated and held accountable for their actions. In particular, the role played by Benon V. Sevan, executive director of the Office of Iraq Programs, should be carefully scrutinized.
If the allegations against Mr. Sevan are true, he must be prosecuted.
Overall responsibility for the program's failure should lie with U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, who in effect turned a blind eye to one of the biggest financial scandals of modern times. The U.N.'s inability to successfully manage the oil-for-food program represents a spectacular failure of leadership on the part of Mr. Annan.
The mismanagement of the oil-for-food program raises serious doubts about the U.N.'s ability to manage future programs of a similar scale.
The United Nations should never again be placed in charge of the administration of an international sanctions regime.
Call for Prosecutions
The links between Saddam Hussein's regime and leading European companies and politicians were extensive. The United States should call for those who violated the sanctions regime to be prosecuted by their governments.
The United States was right to exclude the U.N. from a key role in administering post-war Iraq - the U.N. was clearly incapable of performing such a function.
The Pentagon was right to bar companies from nations who had opposed regime change in Iraq, such as France and Russia, from bidding for U.S.-funded contracts for the rebuilding of Iraq. Russian and French companies in particular benefited from the exploitation of the oil-for-food program.
Added the Wall Street Journal, "There is no doubt that the U.N. relief effort in Iraq has been a global scandal. A monstrous dictator was able to turn the Oil-for-Food program into a cash cow for himself and his inner circle, leaving Iraqis further deprived as he bought influence abroad and acquired the arms and munitions that coalition forces discovered when they invaded Iraq last spring."
This, by the way, is the same United Nations to which John Kerry and his Democrat friends want the U.S. to hand over control of our foreign policy.

----------------------------------------------------

Russian nuclear warheads help power America
Sun 14 March, 2004 20:34
By Nigel Hunt
LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - Few Americans realise that uranium once intended to destroy their civilisation is now helping to keep it very much alive by powering televisions, microwaving dinners and chilling beer.
Uranium extracted from Russian nuclear warheads helps supply about 10 percent of U.S. electricity, according to USEC, which has charge of the "Megatons to Megawatts" project that has helped Russia reap profits from previously loss-making nuclear disarmament.
The Bethesda, Maryland-based company purchases uranium taken from dismantled Russian nuclear warheads under a 1993 U.S.-Russian nonproliferation agreement.
The treaty was designed to lower the risk of the Russian uranium falling into the wrong hands and posing a security risk. The highly enriched mineral from the warheads is diluted in Russia prior to shipment to the United States.
USEC then sells the uranium to operators of nuclear plants that supply about 20 percent of electricity in the United States.
The company is the world's leading supplier of uranium to nuclear power plants. The U.S. government created USEC in the early 1990s as part of its restructuring of its uranium enrichment operation. Privatisation was completed in 1998.
USEC sells the grade of uranium used in power plants, known as low enriched uranium, in both the United States and overseas. Sales of its Russian material are limited to the United States.
Chief Executive William Timbers said about half of the uranium used by U.S. nuclear plants currently comes from Russian warheads.
The programme is scheduled to run for 20 years. During the first decade, about 8,000 nuclear warheads were dismantled with the uranium extracted and used in U.S. power plants.
PROFITABLE DISARMAMENT
"It has transformed the prior loss-making process of nuclear disarmament into an economically effective one," Valeriy Govorukhin, Russia's deputy minister of atomic energy, said in an interview earlier this year.
"For Russia, this contract has not only contributed to an increase in international security, but has also been an important source for economic growth," he added.
USEC had 2003 revenue of $1.46 billion (810 million pounds). It reported a modest profit of $10.7 million last year, compared with a 2002 loss of $3.3 million, and its stock has been climbing during the last 12 months.
The company's shares were trading around $8.10 on the New York Stock Exchange on Friday, near the upper end of its 52-week range of $5.20 to $9.
Timbers said additional Russian uranium would probably be available when the programme is due to end, raising the possibility it could be extended.
Such a move would depend on the U.S. and Russian governments because the programme was signed at a presidential level.
With power plants' demand for this uranium roughly equal to the supply, the United States would have to return to a method of electricity generation that has been out of favour for more than 20 years to justify expanding the U.S.-Russian programme or developing similar ones.
"If there are to be more similar programmes with other countries, there needs to be an expansion of demand (for uranium)," Timbers said. "We need additional nuclear power plants."
SAFETY CONCERNS
Nuclear power fell out of favour partly due to safety concerns following an accident in 1979 at the Three Mile Island plant in Pennsylvania.
Nearly 200,000 people fled their homes and local schools were temporarily closed after operator error resulted in parts of the core beginning to melt and traces of radioactive iodine were detected in nearby communities.
Massive cost overruns at the Seabrook nuclear plant in New Hampshire contributed to the bankruptcy of utility Public Service Company of New Hampshire in 1988, further dampening enthusiasm for embarking on such projects.
Sentiment has begun to change, however, as the United States seeks ways to meet growing demand for electricity amid increasing environmental concerns about the greenhouse gases emitted by the leading source, coal-fired power plants.
Nuclear plants emit virtually no greenhouse gases.
"New ground is being broken, activity is going on," Timbers said, noting newer designs for nuclear power plants are simpler in design and had lower construction costs.
U.S. Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham recently pointed to the development of new "meltdown-proof and proliferation-resistant" nuclear plants as one of the keys to meeting the nation's growing demand for energy.
If the Bush administration's dream becomes a reality, then America's energy future could become increasingly dependent on a legacy from an era when their very existence appeared to be threatened -- massive stockpiles of Cold War nuclear weapons.

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What did Musharraf know?
Arnaud de Borchgrave
Saturday, March 6, 2004
Pakistan's nuclear hybrid - half Dr. Strangelove and half Dr. No - was arguably the world's most dangerous criminal. Abdul Qadeer Khan is the only proliferator of weapons of mass destruction the world has known since the advent of the atomic age in 1945.
Worse, he sold his country's nuclear secrets for profit to America's self-avowed enemies - North Korea, Iran and Libya. His motives were also hybrid - both greed and creed.
His Islamist fundamentalist ideology led him to believe it was within his power to make invincible America vincible. As the father of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal, he was his country's most precious asset - and in the Pakistani pantheon of national heroes he was only a whisker below Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of the Pakistani state.
Yet President Pervez Musharraf pardoned the global criminal and allowed him to keep his ill-gotten gains, in return for which Mr. Khan went on national television and said - in English rather than Urdu, the national language - he was truly sorry and had acted strictly alone, unbeknownst to anyone else in the Pakistani government.
If Mr. Musharraf can pardon Mr. Khan, why can't he pardon Pakistan's two most important political leaders - Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, both former prime ministers - who are living in exile, and are still the recognized heads of Pakistan's two principal political parties?
Next to Mr. Khan's global nuclear Wal-Mart, the corruption charges against Mrs. Bhutto and Mr. Sharif are teensy-weensy. Both these leaders can testify that while they were in power at different times, military officials and scientists approached them seeking permission to export nuclear technology. Tired of being turned down, they went ahead anyway. Clearly, Mr. Khan was not acting on his own.
The only problem with the carefully rehearsed charade is that no one believed the story. Not Mr. Musharraf's I-had-no-idea disclaimer, nor Mr. Khan's act of contrition. So why did Mr. Musharraf agree to the giveaway show? The alternative - which would have been to tell the truth - would have been tantamount to scuttling the ship of state. Because it is inconceivable the all-powerful Inter-Services Intelligence spy agency wasn't aware of Mr. Khan's six trips to the hermit communist kingdom of North Korea.
Mr. Khan was Pakistan's most precious national asset, and ISI and ranking military officers were in charge of protecting the man who owned the country's crown jewels and who could be kidnapped or gunned down at anytime. What is more than likely is that ISI knew about Mr. Khan's nuclear rackets but didn't tell Mr. Musharraf because of the Pakistani leader's close rapport with U.S. President Bush.
Mr. Musharraf claimed the first specific details of Mr. Khan's global operations came from U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and Gen. John Abizaid, head of U.S. Central Command, when they called on him last October.
But Mr. Khan begun spinning his worldwide web of nuclear skullduggery 18 years ago, at the height of the war against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, while the previous military dictator, Gen. Zia ul-Haq, was in power. His network of intermediaries stretched from Malaysia to Pakistan to Dubai, Istanbul, Tripoli and Casablanca and a small Swiss town, and employed nationals from Asia, the Middle East, North Africa and Europe.
It is becoming increasingly obvious Mr. Khan's clandestine activities paralleled closely the actions of several Pakistani governments. In 1984, for example, a partnership was concluded between Iran's Atomic Energy Organization and Pakistan's Atomic Energy Commission. Also in 1984, Gnadi Mohammad Mragih, director of Iran's Nuclear Technology Center in Isfahan, visited Pakistan's super-secret Kahuta nuclear complex to meet with Mr. Khan.
In 1991, no less than three Iranian delegations came to Kahuta. An Iranian general who commanded the Iranian Revolutionary Guards led one of them. Again in 1991, the Pakistani chief of army staff went to Iran to sign a secret protocol on uranium enrichment technology.
Pakistan's nuclear ambitions are invariably portrayed as an answer to India's first nuclear test explosion in 1974. But the Maldon Institute reminds us their origin predates India's big bang. Pakistan's massive military defeat by Indian forces in 1971 was the energizer. This was when India rolled up East Pakistan and Bangladesh won its war of national liberation.
Following Pakistan's humiliation, Prime Minister Ali Bhutto (Benazir's father, who was executed by President Zia) vowed Pakistanis would "eat grass if necessary" to develop nuclear weapons. Mr. Bhutto asked Mr. Khan, an engineer by training, to return home from the Netherlands to head the program. He did so, armed with stolen Dutch plans for a uranium enrichment plant.
Since then, Mr. Khan has served seven successive governments that always gave him and his nuclear efforts top priority for funds and materials. At a conference of Islamic states in 1974, Mr. Bhutto announced Pakistan would produce an "Islamic bomb," which would be the foundation for Islamic countries to acquire strategic military capacities to counter other nuclear weapons powers.
Pakistani leaders denied time and again the country had a nuclear weapons program - until 1998, when Mr. Sharif declared Pakistan a nuclear power, punctuated with five nuclear bomb tests that followed five Indian bangs the week before.
It is inconceivable Mr. Khan, for three decades, could have indulged in such extensive nuclear proliferation without the knowledge and acquiescence of ISI and the military high command. Mr. Musharraf was army chief of staff prior to seizing the presidency in October 1999.
What did Mr. Musharraf know - and when did he know it - are the kind of lese-majeste questions Pakistani journalists who wish to stay healthy don't ask.

Arnaud de Borchgrave is editor at large of The Washington Times and of United Press International.

















































>> SAY IT AINT SO...


Report: Saddam Harbored Terrorists Who Killed Americans
http://www.newsmax.com/archives/ic/2004/3/14/141831.shtml


Saddam Hussein supplied financial support, training and shelter for an array of deadly terrorist organizations right up until the onset of the Iraq war a year ago, including such notorious groups as Hamas, Ansar al-Islam, the Palestinian Liberation Front, the Abu Nidal Organization and the Arab Liberation Front, according to a comprehensive report released by the Hudson Institute.

Titled "Saddam's Philanthropy of Terror," the report details the role played by terrorists supported by Saddam's regime in an array of infamous attacks that have killed hundreds of American citizens both inside and outside the U.S. before and after the Sept. 11 attacks - including the 1985 hijacking of the Achille Lauro, the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and the Palestinian Intifada.

Compiled by Deroy Murdock, a Senior Fellow with the Atlas Economic Research Foundation in Fairfax, Va., and columnist with the Scripps Howard News Service, the report chronicles Saddam's support for:


Abdul Rahman Yasin, who was indicted for mixing the chemicals for the bomb used in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, which killed six New Yorkers and injured over 1,000. Yasin fled to Baghdad after the attack, where he was given sanctuary and lived for years afterward.

Khala Khadar al-Salahat, a top Palestinian deputy to Abu Nidal, who reportedly furnished Libyan agents with the Semtex explosive used to blow up Pan Am Flight 103 in December 1988. The attack killed all 259 passengers, including 189 Americans. Al-Salahat was in Baghdad last April and was taken into custody by U.S. Marines.

Abu Nidal, whose terror organization is credited with dozens of attacks that killed over 400 people, including 10 Americans, and wounding 788 more. Nidal lived in Baghdad from 1999 till August 2002, when he was found shot to death in his state-supplied home.

Abu Abbas, who masterminded the 1985 hijacking of the Achille Lauro cruise ship, during which wheelchair-bound American Leon Klinghoffer was pushed over the side to his death. U.S. troops captured Abbas in Baghdad on April 14, 2003. He died in U.S. custody last week.

Abu Musab al Zarqawi, who ran an Ansar al-Islam terrorist training camp in northern Iraq and reportedly arranged the October 2002 assassination of U.S. diplomat Lawrence Foley in Jordan. Al Zarqawi is still at large.

Ramzi Yousef, who entered the U.S. on an Iraqi passport and was the architect of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing as well as Operation Bojinka, a foiled plot to explode 12 U.S. airliners over the Pacific. Bojinka was later adopted by Yousef's cousin Khalid Shaikh Mohammed as the blueprint for the Sept. 11 attacks.
Arrested in Pakistan in 1995, Yousef is currently serving a triple life sentence in Colorado's Supermax federal lockup.


Mahmoud Besharat, the Palestinian businessman who traveled to Baghdad in March 2002 to collect funding from Saddam for the Palestinian Intifada. Besharat and others disbursed the funds in payments of $10,000 to $25,000 to West Bank families of terrorists who died trying to kill Israelis.
After Saddam announced his Intifada reward plan, 28 Palestinian homicide bombers killed 211 Israelis in attacks that also killed 12 Americans. A total of 1,209 people were injured.

For more details on Saddam Hussein's sponsorship of the terrorist networks that killed hundreds of innocent U.S. citizens, go to: http://www.hudson.org/files/publications/murdocksaddamarticle.pdf

Editor's note:




http://www.hudson.org/files/publications/murdocksaddamarticle.pdf
Saddam Hussein's
Philanthropy of Terror
International
Relations
Emergency workers treat one of the 1,042 individuals injured in the February 1993 World Trade Center bombing. This attack also
killed six people. Abdul Rahman Yasin (inset), indicted for mixing the chemicals in that bomb, fled to Baghdad after the attack and
lived there for years afterward.
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Many critics of the war in Iraq belittle claims of Saddam Hussein's ties to
terrorism. In fact, for years, he was militant Islam's Benefactor-in-Chief.
Deroy Murdock
"Inever believed in the link between Saddam Hussein, Osama bin Laden, al Qaeda, and Islamist terrorism," former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright flatly declared in an October 21 essay published in Australia's Melbourne Herald Sun.i "Iraq was not a breeding ground for terrorism. Our invasion has made it one," said Senator Ted Kennedy (D-Massachusetts) on October 16. "We were told Iraq was attracting terrorists from al Qaeda. It was not."ii As President Bush continues to lead America's involvement in Iraq, he increasingly is being forced to confront those who dismiss Saddam Hussein's ties to terrorism and, thus, belittle a key rationale for Operation Iraqi Freedom. Bush's critics wield a flimsy and disingenuous argument that nonetheless enjoys growing appeal among a largely hostile press corps. Hussein did not personally order the September 11 attacks, the fuzzy logic goes, hence he has no significant ties to terrorists, especially al Qaeda. Consequently, the Iraq war was launched under bogus assumptions, and, therefore, Bush should be defeated in November 2004. West Virginia's Jay Rockefeller, the Senate Intelligence Committee's ranking Democrat, exemplified this thinking recently when he told the Los Angeles Times that Iraq's alleged al Qaeda ties were "tenuous at best and not compelling."iii In a September 16 editorial, the L.A. Times slammed Vice President Dick Cheney for making "sweeping, unproven claims about Saddam Hussein's connections to terrorism." On August 7, former vice president Albert Gore stated flatly, "The evidence now shows clearly that Saddam did not want to work with Osama bin Laden at all."iv All of these claims about a lack of ties between Hussein and terrorists, however, are untrue, and it is important that debate on this vital issue be informed After running an al Qaeda training camp in Afghanistan, Abu Musab al Zarqawi received medical care in Baghdad once the Taliban fell. He opened an Ansar al-Islam camp in northern Iraq and reportedly arranged the October 2002 assassination of U.S. diplomat Lawrence Foley in Jordan. Zarqawi is at large.
Abu Abbas masterminded the 1985 hijacking of the ocean liner Achille Lauro during which American retiree Leon Klinghoffer was murdered. U.S. troops captured Abbas in Baghdad last April 14. Iraqi Ramzi Yousef, architect of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, arrived in America on an Iraqi passport before fleeing after the attack on Pakistani papers.
Abu Nidal's terrorist gang killed 407 people, including 10 Americans, and wounded 788 more. He lived in Baghdad between 1999 and his mysterious shooting death in August 2002.
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by facts. The president and his national security team should devote entire speeches and publications--complete with names, documents, and visuals, including the faces of terrorists and their innocent victims--to remind Americans and the world that Baathist Iraq was a general store for terrorists, complete with cash, training, lodging, and medical attention.
Indeed, this magazine
article could serve as a model for the kinds of communications that the administration regularly should generate to set the record straight about Hussein and terrorism and reassert the reasons behind the Iraq mission. Such an effort to reinvigorate U.S. public diplomacy on Iraq should be easy. After all, the evidence of Hussein's cooperation with and support for global terrorists is abundant and increasing, to wit:
Saddam Hussein's Habitual Support for Terrorists Both supporters and opponents of Islamic terror have provided abundant evidence of Hussein's aid for a wide array of terrorists. Consider the following.
* Hussein paid bonuses of up to $25,000 to the families of Palestinian homicide bombers.
"President Saddam Hussein has recently told the head of the Palestinian political office, Faroq al Kaddoumi, his decision to raise the sum granted to each family of the martyrs of the Palestinian uprising to $25,000 instead of $10,000," Iraq's former deputy prime minister, Tariq Aziz, announced at a Baghdad meeting of Arab politicians and businessmen on March 11, 2002, Reuters reported two days later.v
Mahmoud Besharat, who the White House says disbursed these funds across the West Bank, gratefully said, "You would have to ask President Saddam why he is being so generous. But he is a revolutionary and he wants this distinguished struggle, the intifada, to continue."vi
Such largesse poured forth until the eve of the Iraq war. As Knight-Ridder's Carol Rosenberg reported from Gaza City last March 13: "In a graduation-style ceremony Wednesday, the families of 22 Palestinians killed fighting Israelis received checks for $10,000 or more, certificates of appreciation and a kiss on each cheek--compliments of Iraq's Saddam Hussein." She added: "The certificates declared the gift from President Saddam Hussein; the checks were cut at a Gaza branch of the Cairo-Amman bank." This festivity, attended by some 400 people and organized by the then-Baghdad-backed Arab Liberation Front, occurred March 12, just eight days before American-led troops crossed the Iraqi frontier.vii
Hussein's patronage of Palestinian terror proved fatally fruitful. Between the March 11, 2002, increase in cash incentives to $25,000 and the March 20, 2003, launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom, 28 homicide bombers injured 1,209 people and killed 223 more, including 12 Americans.viii
* According to the U.S. State Department's May 21, 2002, report on Patterns of Global Terrorism,ix the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO), the Arab Liberation Front, Hamas, the Kurdistan Workers' Party, the Mujahedin-e-Khalq Organization, and the Palestine Liberation Front all operated offices or bases in Hussein's Iraq. Hussein's hospitality toward these mass murderers directly violated United Nations Security Council Resolution 687, which prohibited him from granting safe haven to or otherwise sponsoring terrorists.
* Key terrorists enjoyed Hussein's warmth, some so recently that Coalition forces subsequently found them alive and well and living in Iraq. Among them:
* U.S. Special Forces nabbed Abu Abbas last April 14 just outside Baghdad. Abbas masterminded the October 7-9, 1985, Achille Lauro cruise ship hijacking in which Abbas's men shot passenger Leon Klinghoffer, a 69-year old Manhattan retiree, then rolled him, wheelchair and all, into the Mediterranean. Abbas briefly was in Italian custody at the time, but was released that October 12 because he possessed an Iraqi diplomatic passport.
Since 2000, Abbas
September 11 hijackers Nawaz al-Hamzi (left) and Khalid al-Midhar (right) were on American Airlines Flight 77 when it slammed into the Pentagon and killed 216 people. The two terrorists reportedly met Iraqi VIP airport greeter Ahmad Hikmat Shakir in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia, on January 5, 2000, whereupon he escorted them to a 9-11 planning summit with other al Qaeda members.
Khala Khadar al-Salahat, a top deputy to Palestinian terrorist Abu Nidal,
reportedly furnished Libyan agents the bomb that demolished Pan Am Flight 103 in December 1988. That attack killed all 259 on board and 11 on the ground in Lockerbie, Scotland. Baghdad resident al Salahat surrendered to U.S. Marines last April. Delaware exchange student John Buonocore, age 20, was among those killed when the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO) used guns and grenades to attack a TWA ticket counter at Rome's Leonardo Da Vinci airport in December 1986. The ANO maintained offices in Baghdad until U.S. troops liberated the Iraqi capital.
American Abigail Litle, the 14-year-old daughter of a Baptist minister, was killed by a Palestinian homicide bomber while riding a bus in Haifa, Israel, on March 5, 2003. Saddam Hussein paid bonuses of up to $25,000 to the families of terrorists who killed at least 223 people, including 11 other Americans.
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resided in Baghdad, still under Saddam
Hussein's protection.x
* Khala Khadr al Salahat, a member of the ANO, surrendered to the First Marine Division in Baghdad on April 18. As the Sunday Times of London reported on August 25, 2002, a Palestinian source said that al Salahat and Nidal had furnished Libyan agents the Semtex bomb that destroyed Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, on December 21, 1988, killing 259 on board and 11 on the ground. The 189 Americans murdered on the sabotaged Boeing 747 included 35 Syracuse University students who had spent the fall semester in Scotland and were heading home for the holidays.xi
* Before fatally shooting himself in the head with four bullets on August 16, 2002, as straight-faced Baathist officials claimed, Palestinian terrorist Abu Nidal (born Sabri al Banna) had lived in Iraq since at least 1999. As the Associated Press's Sameer N. Yacoub reported on August 21, 2002, the Beirut office of the ANO said that he entered Iraq "with the full knowledge and preparations of the Iraqi authorities."xii Nidal's attacks in 20 countries killed 407 people and wounded 788 more, the U.S. State Department calculates. Among other atrocities, an ANO-planted bomb exploded on a TWA airliner as it flew from Israel to Greece on September 8, 1974. The jet was destroyed over the Ionian Sea, killing all 88 people on board.xiii
* Coalition troops have shut down at least three terrorist training camps in Iraq, including a base approximately 15 miles southeast of Baghdad, called Salman Pak.xiv Before the war, numerous Iraqi defectors had said that the camp featured a passenger jet on which terrorists sharpened their air piracy skills.xv
"There have been several confirmed sightings of Islamic fundamentalists from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Gulf states being trained in terror tactics at the Iraqi intelligence camp at Salman Pak," said Khidir Hamza, Iraq's former nuclearweapons chief, in sworn testimony before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee on July 31, 2002. "The training involved assassination, explosions, and hijacking."xvi "This camp is specialized in exporting terrorism to the whole world," former Iraqi army captain Sabah Khodada told PBS's Frontline TV program in an October 14, 2001 interview.xvii Khodada, who worked at Salman Pak, said, "Training includes hijacking and kidnapping of airplanes, trains, public buses, and planting explosives in cities . . . how to prepare for suicidal operations." Khodada added, "We saw people getting trained to hijack airplanes. . . . They are even trained how to use utensils for food, like forks and knives provided in the plane." A map of the camp that Khodada drew from memory for Frontline closely matches satellite photos of Salman Pak, further bolstering his credibility.xviii These facts clearly disprove the above-quoted statements by Senator Kennedy and the Los Angeles Times and similar claims made by others. The Bush administration could advance American interests by busing a few dozen foreign correspondents and their camera crews from the bar of Baghdad's Palestine Hotel to Salman Pak for a guided tour. Network news footage of that might open a few eyes.
Saddam Hussein's al Qaeda Connections
As for Hussein's supposedly imaginary ties to al Qaeda, consider these disturbing facts:
* The Philippine government expelled Hisham al Hussein, the second secretary at Iraq's Manila embassy, on February 13, 2003. Cell phone records indicate that the Iraqi diplomat had spoken with Abu Madja and Hamsiraji Sali, leaders of Abu Sayyaf, just before and just after their al Qaeda-allied Islamic militant group conducted an attack in Zamboanga City. Abu Sayyaf's nail-filled bomb exploded on October 2, 2002, injuring 23 individuals and killing two Filipinos and U.S. Special Forces Sergeant First Class Mark Wayne Jackson, age 40. As Dan Murphy wrote in the Christian Science Monitor last February 26, those phone records bolster Sali's claim in a November 2002 TV interview that the Iraqi diplomat had offered these Muslim extremists Baghdad's help with joint missions.xix
* The Weekly Standard's intrepid reporter Stephen F. Hayes noted in the magazine's July 11, 2003, issue that the official Babylon Daily Political Newspaper published Iraqi diplomat Hisham al Hussein was expelled from the Philippines last February after cellphone records showed he was in contact with leaders of Abu Sayyaf, an al Qaeda-allied terrorist group. An October 2002 Abu Sayyaf bomb injured 23 and killed three, including U.S. soldier Mark Wayne Jackson.
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by Hussein's eldest son, Uday, had revealed a terrorist connection in what it called a "List of Honor" published a few months earlier.xx The paper's November 14, 2002, edition gave the names and titles of 600 leading Iraqis and included the following passage: "Abid Al-Karim Muhamed Aswod, intelligence offi- cer responsible for the coordination of activities with the Osama bin Laden group at the Iraqi embassy in Pakistan." That name, Hayes wrote, "matches that of Iraq's then-ambassador to Islamabad."
Carter-appointed federal appeals judge Gilbert S. Merritt discovered this document in Baghdad while helping rebuild Iraq's legal system. He wrote in the June 25 issue of the Tennessean that two of his Iraqi colleagues remember secret police agents removing that embarrassing edition from newsstands and con- fiscating copies of it from private homes.xxi The paper was not published for the next 10 days. Judge Merritt theorized that the "impulsive and somewhat unbalanced" Uday may have showcased these dedicated Baathists to "make them more loyal and supportive of the regime" as war loomed.
* Abu Musab al Zarqawi, formerly the director of an al Qaeda training base in Afghanistan, fled to Iraq after being injured as the Taliban fell. He received medical care and convalesced for two months in Baghdad. He then opened an Ansar al Islam terrorist training camp in northern Iraq and arranged the October 2002 assassination of U.S. diplomat Lawrence Foley in Amman, Jordan.
* Although Iraqi Ramzi Yousef, ringleader of the February 26, 1993, World Trade Center (WTC) bombing plot, fled the United States on Pakistani papers, he came to America on an Iraqi passport.
* As Richard Miniter, author of this year's bestseller Losing bin Laden, reported on September 25, 2003, on the Tech Central Station webpage, "U.S. forces recently discovered a cache of documents in Tikrit, Saddam's hometown, which shows Iraq gave [al Qaeda member] Mr. [Abdul Rahman] Yasin both a house and a monthly salary." The Indiana-born, Iraqi-reared Yasin had been charged in August 1993 for mixing the chemicals in the bomb that exploded beneath One World Trade Center, killing six and injuring 1,042 individuals.xxii Indicted by federal prosecutors as a conspirator in the WTC bomb plot, Yasin is on the FBI's Most- Wanted Terrorists list.xxiii ABC News confirmed, on July 27, 1994, that Yasin had returned to Baghdad, where he traveled freely and visited his father's home almost daily.xxiv
* Near Iraq's border with Syria last April 25, U.S. troops captured Farouk Hijazi, Hussein's former ambassador to Turkey and suspected liaison between Iraq and al Qaeda. Under interrogation, Stephen Hayes reports, Hijazi "admitted meeting with senior al Qaeda leaders at Saddam's behest in 1994."xxv
* While sifting through the Mukhabarat's bombed ruins last April 26, the Toronto Star's Mitch Potter, the London Daily Telegraph's Inigo Gilmore, and their translator discovered a memo in the intelligence service's accounting department. Dated February 19, 1998, and marked "Top Secret and Urgent," the document said that the agency would pay "all the travel and hotel expenses inside Iraq to gain the knowledge of the message from bin Laden and to convey to his envoy an oral message from us to bin Laden, the Saudi opposition leader, about the future of our relationship with him, and to achieve a direct meeting with him." The memo's three references to bin Laden were obscured crudely with correction fluid.xxvi These facts directly refute the claims of Senator Rockefeller and Secretary Albright mentioned at the top of this article. The ties between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda are clear and compelling. Saddam Hussein's Ties to the September 11
Conspiracy
Despite the White House's inexplicable insistence to the contrary, tantalizing clues suggest that Saddam Hussein's jaw might not have dropped to the floor when fireballs erupted from the Twin Towers two years ago.
* His Salman Pak terror camp taught terrorists how to hijack passenger jets with cutlery, as noted earlier.
* On January 5, 2000, Ahmad Hikmat Shakir--Terrorist Organizations Given Funds, Shelter, and/or Training by Saddam Hussein Organization Total Total Americans Americans killed wounded killed wounded
Abu Nidal Organization 407 788 10 58
Ansar al-Islam 114 16 1 --
Arab Liberation Front 4 6 -- --
Hamas 224 1,445 17 30
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) 44 327 -- 2
Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK) 17 43 7 1
Palestine Liberation Front 1 42 1 --
Total 811 2,667 36 91
Sources:
U.S. Department of State, Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism, "1968 - 2003: Total
Persons Killed/Wounded--International and Accepted Incidents." Figures prepared for author
November 17, 2003.
Statistics on Ansar al-Islam:
Jonathan Landay, "Islamic militants kill senior Kurdish general." Knight-Ridder News Service, February 11, 2003.
Catherine Taylor, "Saddam and bin Laden help fanatics, say Kurds." The Times of London, March 28, 2002.
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an Iraqi VIP facilitator reportedly dispatched from Baghdad's embassy in Malaysia--greeted Khalid al Midhar and Nawaz al Hamzi at Kuala Lampur's airport, where he worked. He then escorted them to a local hotel, where these September 11 hijackers met with 9-11 conspirators Ramzi bin al Shibh and Tawfiz al Atash. Five days later, according to Stephen Hayes, Shakir disappeared. He was arrested in Qatar on September 17, 2001, six days after al Midhar and al Hamzi slammed American Airlines Flight 77 into the Pentagon, killing 216 people. Soon after he was apprehended, authorities discovered documents on Shakir's person and in his apartment connecting him to the 1993 WTC bomb plot and "Operation Bojinka," al Qaeda's 1995 plan to blow up 12 jets simultaneously over the Pacific.xxvii
* Although the Bush administration has
expressed doubts, the Czech government stands by its claim that September 11 leader Mohamed Atta met in Prague in April 2001 with Ahmed Khalil Ibrahim al Ani, an Iraqi diplomat/intelligence agent. In a February 24 letter to James Beasley Jr., a Philadelphia lawyer who represents the families of two Twin Towers casualties, Czech UN Ambassador Hynek Kmonicek embraced an October 26, 2001, statement by Czech Interior Minister Stanislav Gross:
In this moment we can confirm, that during the next stay of Mr. Muhammad [sic] Atta in the Czech Republic, there was the contact with the official of the Iraqi intelligence, Mr. Al Ani, Ahmed Khalin Ibrahim Samir, who was on 22nd April 2001 expelled from the Czech Republic on the basis of activities which were not compatible with the diplomatic status."xxviii Al Ani was expelled two weeks after the suspected meeting with Atta for apparently hostile surveillance of Radio Free Europe's Prague headquarters. That building also happened to house America's anti-Baathist station, Radio Free Iraq. The Czech government continues to claim, in short, that the 9-11 mastermind Atta met with at least one Iraqi intelligence official in the months during which the attacks were orchestrated.
* A Clinton-appointed Manhattan federal judge, Harold Baer, ordered Hussein, his ousted regime, Osama bin Laden, and others to pay $104 million in damages to the families of George Eric Smith and Timothy Soulas (clients of Beasley, the aforementioned attorney), both of whom were killed in the Twin Towers along with 2,750 others. "I conclude that plaintiffs have shown, albeit barely, `by evidence satisfactory to the court' that Iraq provided material support to bin Laden and al Qaeda," Baer ruled. An airtight case? Perhaps not, but the court found that there was sufficient evidence to tie Saddam Hussein to the September 11 attacks and secure a May 7 federal judgment against him.xxix If one takes the time to connect these dots--as is the professional duty of journalists and politicians who address this matter--a clear portrait emerges of Saddam Hussein as a sugar daddy to global terrorists including al Qaeda and even the 9-11 conspirators. As Americans grow increasingly restless about Washington's continuing military presence in Iraq, to say nothing of what people think overseas, the administration ought to paint this picture. So why won't they?
Bush Administration Needs to Educate the World on Hussein and Terror
One Bush administration communications specialist told me that the government is bashful about all of this because these links are difficult to prove. And indeed they are. But prosecuting the informational battle in the War on Terrorism is not like prosecuting a Mafia don, which typically requires rock-solid exhibits such as wiretap intercepts, hidden-camera footage, DNA samples, and the testimony of deep-cover "Mob rats." On the contrary, it is important to emphasize, as strongly as possible, that the United States need not--and in fact should not--hold itself to courtroom standards of evidence except when appearing before domestic or international judges. The administration merely has to demonstrate its claims and refute those of its opponents, not convict Saddam Hussein before a jury of his peers. Moreover, those who argue that Hussein was no terror master do not hold themselves to such lofty standards of proof, as the examples noted earlier demonstrate. The appropriate standard of evidence, then, to be entirely fair to both sides in this controversy, is not that of a trial, but rather that of a hearing on whether a criminal suspect should be indicted. In this respect, the "prosecution" defi-nitely has a prima facie case that Hussein's Iraq indeed was a haven for terrorists until the moment U.S. troops invaded. Terrorist attacks, of course, are meant to be at least as shadowy as Cosa Nostra hit jobs. Although this makes Just 15 miles from Baghdad, Salman Pak served as a Baathist training facility for terrorists. According to numerous defectors, foreign Islamic militants at Salman Pak used an actual jet fuselage to learn how to hijack airliners using knives and forks from their in-flight meals.
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Notes
i Madeleine Albright, "How we tackled the wrong tiger." Melbourne Herald Sun, October 21, 2003, page 19.
ii Anne E. Kornblut, "Kennedy to assail Bush over Iraq war." Boston Globe online, October16, 2003, .
iii Greg Miller, "No Proof Connects Iraq to 9/11, Bush says." Los Angeles Times, September 18, 2003, part 1, page 1.
iv CBS 2 homepage, "Gore Takes Aim At Bush: Former Veep Addresses New York Audience." August 7, 2003, .
v Reuters, "Hussein vows cash for martyrs." March 12, 2002. Published in The Australian, March 13, 2002, page 9.
vi The White House, "Saddam Hussein's Support for International Terrorism." .
vii Carol Rosenberg, "Families of slain Palestinians receive checks from Saddam." Knight-Ridder News Service, March 13, 2003. Published in Salt Lake City Tribune, March, 13, 2003. .
viii Facts of Israel.com, "Chronology of Palestinian Homicide Bombings." .
ix U.S. Department of State, Patterns of Global Terrorism. May 21, 2002, .
x Saud Abu Ramadan, "Call for Abbas release, also extradition." United Press International, April 16, 2003.
xi Marie Colvin and Sonya Murad, "Executed." Sunday Times of London, August 25, 2002, page 13. See also: Republican Study Committee, "American Citizens Killed or Injured by Palestinian Terrorists: September 1993 - October 2003." October 17, 2003.
xii Sameer N. Yacoub, "Iraq claims terrorist leader committed suicide." August 21, 2002 Associated Press dispatch published in Portsmouth Herald, Portsmouth, New Hampshire, August 22, 2002, .
xiii Associated Press, "Palestinian officials say Abu Nidal is dead." Posted on USAToday.com, week of August 19, 2002, .
xiv Ravi Nessman, "Marines capture camp suspected as Iraqi training base for terrorists." Associated Press, April 6, 2003, 4:14 p.m. EST. Posted by St. Paul Pioneer Press on April 7, 2003, .
xv Deroy Murdock, "The 9/11 Connection: What Salman Pak Could Reveal." National Review Online, April 3, 2003, .
xvi Khidhir Hamza, "The Iraqi Threat." Statement before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, July 31, 2002, .
xvii PBS online, "Gunning for Saddam: Should Saddam Hussein Be America's Next Target in the War on Terrorism?" November 8, 2001, .
xviii Deroy Murdock, "At Salman Pak: Iraq's Terror Ties." National Review Online, April 7, 2003, .
xix Stephen F. Hayes, "Saddam's al Qaeda Connection: The evidence mounts, but the administration says surprisingly little." The Weekly Standard, September 1, 2003, volume 008, issue 48, .
xx Stephen F. Hayes, "The Al Qaeda Connection, cont.: More reason to suspect that bin Laden and Saddam may have been in league." The Daily Standard July 11, 2003, .
xxi Gilbert S. Merritt, "Document Links Saddam, bin Laden." The Tennessean, June 25, 2003, .
xxii Richard Miniter, "The Iraq-Al Qaeda Connections." Tech Central Station, September 25, 2003, .
xxiii Federal Bureau of Investigation, profile of Abdul Rahman Yasin on FBI's Most-Wanted Terrorists list, .
xxiv Sheila MacVicar, "`America's Most Wanted' - Fugitive Terrorists." ABC News' "Day One," July 27, 1994.
xxv Stephen F. Hayes, "The Al Qaeda Connection: Saddam's links to Osama were no secret." The Weekly Standard, May 12, 2003, .
xxvi Inigo Gilmore, "The Proof that Saddam worked with bin Laden." London Daily Telegraph, April 27, 2003, .
xxvii Stephen F. Hayes, "Dick Cheney Was Right: `We don't know' about Saddam and 9/11." The Weekly Standard, October 20, 2003, .
xxviii Hynek Kmonicek, letter to James Beasley Jr., February 24, 2003. In author's possession. A scanned image of the letter is available on the Hudson Institute's website, www.hudson.org.
xxix CBS News, "Court Rules: Al Qaida, Iraq Linked." May 7, 2003, .
-----------------------------------------------
The ordeal of a N. Korean in Canada
By Jeff Jacoby, 3/4/2004

IF YOU HAVE ever started to emerge from one nightmare only to find yourself plunged into a new one, you will find the ordeal of Ri Song Dae frighteningly familiar.

ADVERTISEMENT

In August 2001, Ri entered Canada with his wife and their 6-year-old son, Chang Il. They were defectors from the monstrous dictatorship in North Korea and had come to Canada to seek asylum.

For 10 years, Ri had been a low-level trade functionary, periodically sent abroad to purchase foodstuffs. He had long known of the savage brutality of Kim Jong Il's regime, of course; no government official could fail to be aware of it. What finally prompted him to flee was seeing the horrible treatment meted out to escaped North Koreans who were caught and returned. According to human rights monitors, that treatment includes humiliation and torture, typically followed by slow starvation and slave labor in a prison camp -- or public execution.

Ri filed a formal claim for refugee status for himself and Chang Il four months after arriving in Canada, but by then his second nightmare had begun. His wife, browbeaten by her Japanese parents for her "betrayal," attempted to commit suicide, then agreed to leave her husband and son and return to North Korea. She was executed in April 2002. Ri's father was executed as well, in keeping with the North Korean policy of ruthlessly punishing not only "criminals," but also their parents and children.

On Sept. 12, 2003, more than two years after Ri's plea for asylum was filed, Canada's Immigration and Refugee Board issued its ruling. It was an Orwellian stunner.

Board member Bonnie Milliner ruled that Ri's young son was entitled to stay in Canada, since he would face severe persecution if he were returned to Pyongyang. But Ri's appeal for refugee protection was denied, even though Milliner agreed that "he would face execution on return to North Korea." Why would Canada send a man back to his certain death? Because, Milliner wrote, "there are serious reasons for considering that [Ri] has committed crimes against humanity by virtue of his longstanding membership in the Government of North Korea."

In other words, Ri was deemed complicit in crimes against humanity solely because he had held a government job. Milliner acknowledged that there was no evidence he had committed any atrocities at all. But he knew of the regime's savagery yet waited 10 years to defect. To the Immigration and Refugee Board, that added up to a case for sending him back to be killed.

If the board's decision were to stand, Ri would be sent off to die, and his 6-year-old would be an orphan. His prospects grew even bleaker on Feb. 20, when Milliner's ruling was upheld by Canada's citizenship and immigration ministry. Canadians express pride in their country's humanitarian values, but it has been hard to detect any of those values as this case has moved through the Canadian bureaucracy.

Fortunately, Ri has just received a last-minute reprieve. Yesterday afternoon, Public Safety Minister Anne McLellan granted him permission to stay in Canada indefinitely, since his life would be in danger if he were deported. Her decision effectively overrules the earlier decrees. Ri's long nightmare may at last be over.

But back in North Korea, there are no happy endings.

Media coverage of Kim Jong Il's government has been focused on its illegal nuclear weapons program and its proliferation of missile technology. But even more ghastly is the suffering it inflicts on its own people.

The Los Angeles Times reported yesterday on the use of political prisoners as chemical weapons guinea pigs. A senior North Korean chemist who escaped in 2002 described a testing chamber that was outfitted with a large window and a sound system so scientists could see and hear the victims' reactions when they were sprayed with the lethal poison.

"One man was scratching desperately," the defector testified. "He scratched his neck, his chest. . . . He was covered in blood. . . . I kept trying to look away. I knew how toxic these chemicals were in even small doses." It took, he said, three agonizing hours for each man to die.

When I wrote last month about North Korea's concentration camps and gas chambers, many readers wrote to ask: What can I do? The first and most important step is to learn more. Three excellent sources of information on North Korea are The Chosun Journal (www.chosunjournal.com), the Citizens Alliance for North Korean Human Rights (www.nkhumanrights.or.kr), and the US Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (www.hrnk.org). All three offer heartbreaking details about the horrors of Kim's tyranny as well as many options for further action. They should be the first stop for anyone for whom "never again" is not just an empty slogan.

Ri Song Dae and his little boy are safe, but 22 million of their countrymen remain trapped, at the mercy of the most evil government on earth. Learn what is happening to them. Cry out in protest. This is not a time for silence.

Jeff Jacoby's e-mail address is jacoby@globe.com.

? Copyright 2004 Globe Newspaper Company.
----------------------------------------------
So, Where Is Ms. Cho?
Give the people of North Korea a seat at the table.

BY CLAUDIA ROSETT
Wednesday, August 27, 2003 12:01 a.m. EDT

Today through Friday, the six-way talks with North Korea are due to take place in Beijing, and though I know I'm dreaming, here's the script I'd like to see:

Our lead negotiator, Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly, looks at the assembled crowd--at his Russian and Chinese and Japanese and Korean counterparts, from both North and South--and before saying a word about nuclear bombs, or security guarantees, or any more blackmail payoffs for Kim Jong Il of North Korea, before doing any of the things this gang might be expecting, Mr. Kelly leans forward to ask the following, vital question:

Where is Ms. Cho?

There is, perhaps, a puzzled silence. Then someone, maybe one of the Chinese hosts, who did after all suggest that America should come with issues ready to put on the table, asks, Who is Ms. Cho?

Mr. Kelly beckons mysteriously, and leads the entire parade, the Russians and Japanese and Koreans and Chinese, to a van waiting outside Beijing's Diaoyutai state guesthouse, where they are meeting. They drive to the Beijing Foreign Ministry, because it matters to see these places firsthand, and there they get out. And, standing in front of the Ministry, Mr. Kelly explains:

Ms. Cho is a North Korean escapee who came here, to this very spot, a year ago yesterday, Aug. 26, 2002, with six other North Koreans, all of them risking their lives in an attempt to ask the Chinese government for refugee status. They were following United Nations procedure to ask for asylum. Ms. Cho tried to give the Chinese authorities a document stating that she had left North Korea "in search of freedom," and if sent back "will certainly be executed in accordance with Article 47 of the DPRK penal code." She was very brave. She was 27 years old.

Cho Sung-hye and her companions were hoping the free world would hear their message, and help not only them, but hundreds of thousands of other people trying to flee North Korea. Instead, Chinese security agents arrested Ms. Cho and her companions on the spot. There has been no news of them since.

So, where is Ms. Cho?





In all likelihood, there is no more Ms. Cho, though she was real enough, in her checked shirt, with her long hair pulled back, when she posed for a snapshot in Beijing last summer, just before her failed bid for official refugee status. (You can see pictures of Ms. Cho and her companions here.) Certainly she has not surfaced in the free world. Most probably, the Chinese authorities, following routine procedure, sent Ms. Cho and her six fellow asylum-seekers back to North Korea, where the authorities, following routine procedure, either executed them or consigned them to labor camps that can amount to a slow and hideous death sentence, by starvation, if not by torture, beatings, exposure or disease.
But Ms. Cho, in her absence, ought to haunt that Beijing negotiating table this week. In approaching the Chinese Foreign Ministry last year, she offered herself up as a symbol of all North Koreans who might desire freedom, especially the 200,00-300,000 estimated to be hiding right now in China--where authorities have yet to grant a single one of them the refugee status they warrant.

These are not purely humanitarian concerns, though the North Korean government's policies of murdering and starving its own innocents ought at some point to be of interest even to diplomats discussing high matters of state. Beyond whatever happened to Ms. Cho, there are the estimated two million or so North Koreans dead of state-inflicted famine since the mid-1990s. (Though the North Korean Vice Foreign Minister Kim Yong-il, attending the current talks, doubtless eats well.)

But whatever talks may now in reality take place, it would be of considerable value for our talkers to keep in mind--even beyond North Korea's huge, horrendous record of lies, and broken promises about its nuclear bomb program--that regimes which routinely betray, brutalize and butcher their own people are unlikely to deal in good faith with others. It is a rather different set of values they have signed onto.

The odd inversion of our official dealings with North Korea over the past decade or so is that we have brought to talks with North Korea's government our own civilized expectations that promises will be kept, and good faith will be returned in kind. Meanwhile, the free world has been treating the actual people of North Korea--the Ms. Chos--as pariahs, people to be shunned, sent back, ignored if it will help us strike another hollow deal with Kim Jong Il.

Among the governments whose negotiators are meeting around that Beijing table this week, there is not one that has offered true help for North Korea's refugees--many of whom might also be described as dissidents, defectors, the kind of people we need to be listening to, even asking for help, not sending back, or hushing up. China is shamefully guilty in its refusal to allow even safe transit for these people. Russia, with its pretensions to leadership in world affairs and vast empty spaces in the Russian Far East, could offer enormous help, but does nothing. Japan is at least trying to get some people out of North Korea, though Tokyo's first priority, understandably, is the recovery of Japanese kidnapped by the North Korean government.

America, erstwhile haven for the tempest-tossed, seems to have room for refugees from everyplace on earth--except North Korea. And though America serves as home to many a would-be-democratic-government in exile, there is no such North Korean presence here, no resistance movement. Nothing. Plenty of North Koreans have tried to escape the regime of Kim Jong Il. But, dear readers, have you ever met one? Or even seen one on television?





Instead, the free world looks to South Korea as the keeper of this important human trust--to offer a haven for North Koreans who value freedom. Usually, it is in such havens that exiles from tyrannies can form a base, get out the word about atrocities back home, offer insights into the vulnerabilities of tyrants and find ways to smuggle into the tyrannies some words of truth and hope.
But in today's South Korea, fat chance. This is the place where authorities have twice this past week roughed up German doctor Norbert Vollertsen, the single loudest voice trying for three years now to draw attention to the depravities of the North Korean government, the plight of the people still there, and the civilized world's utter abandonment of the refugees. There was some attention in the news last week to the efforts of Mr. Vollertsen and some of his activist colleagues to send solar-powered radios into North Korea, attached to balloons--which the South Korean authorities stopped them from doing. The prohibition and the beating of Mr. Vollertsen that accompanied it, underscore Mr. Vollertsen's message--which is not simply that conditions in North Korea rival the atrocities under Nazi Germany, and that some refugees are desperate enough to die trying to escape. It is also that the civilized world, South Korea at the forefront, simply does not want to see, hear, know, or help, and in ignoring the 22 million people of North Korea, while we parley with their jailers, we throw away our best hope of peacefully ending this nightmare.

In a phone conversation from Seoul last weekend, Mr. Vollertsen suggested to me that there should be not six-way but seven-way talks in Beijing this week, "Why are there no North Korean refugees participating?," he asked.

That's not how our diplomacy works right now, unfortunately. But the real issue in dealing with Pyongyang is not a matter of bribing Kim Jong Il to let us go on a scavenger hunt for plutonium in North Korea. It's a matter of finding the backbone, and the allies--especially among the North Koreans themselves--to get rid of Mr. Kim and his regime entirely. And that starts with the question:

Where is Ms. Cho?

Ms. Rosett is a columnist for OpinionJournal.com and The Wall Street Journal Europe. Her column appears alternate Wednesdays.


Posted by maximpost at 12:26 AM EST
Monday, 15 March 2004

>> SAY IT AINT SO...


Report: Saddam Harbored Terrorists Who Killed Americans
http://www.newsmax.com/archives/ic/2004/3/14/141831.shtml


Saddam Hussein supplied financial support, training and shelter for an array of deadly terrorist organizations right up until the onset of the Iraq war a year ago, including such notorious groups as Hamas, Ansar al-Islam, the Palestinian Liberation Front, the Abu Nidal Organization and the Arab Liberation Front, according to a comprehensive report released by the Hudson Institute.

Titled "Saddam's Philanthropy of Terror," the report details the role played by terrorists supported by Saddam's regime in an array of infamous attacks that have killed hundreds of American citizens both inside and outside the U.S. before and after the Sept. 11 attacks - including the 1985 hijacking of the Achille Lauro, the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and the Palestinian Intifada.

Compiled by Deroy Murdock, a Senior Fellow with the Atlas Economic Research Foundation in Fairfax, Va., and columnist with the Scripps Howard News Service, the report chronicles Saddam's support for:


Abdul Rahman Yasin, who was indicted for mixing the chemicals for the bomb used in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, which killed six New Yorkers and injured over 1,000. Yasin fled to Baghdad after the attack, where he was given sanctuary and lived for years afterward.

Khala Khadar al-Salahat, a top Palestinian deputy to Abu Nidal, who reportedly furnished Libyan agents with the Semtex explosive used to blow up Pan Am Flight 103 in December 1988. The attack killed all 259 passengers, including 189 Americans. Al-Salahat was in Baghdad last April and was taken into custody by U.S. Marines.

Abu Nidal, whose terror organization is credited with dozens of attacks that killed over 400 people, including 10 Americans, and wounding 788 more. Nidal lived in Baghdad from 1999 till August 2002, when he was found shot to death in his state-supplied home.

Abu Abbas, who masterminded the 1985 hijacking of the Achille Lauro cruise ship, during which wheelchair-bound American Leon Klinghoffer was pushed over the side to his death. U.S. troops captured Abbas in Baghdad on April 14, 2003. He died in U.S. custody last week.

Abu Musab al Zarqawi, who ran an Ansar al-Islam terrorist training camp in northern Iraq and reportedly arranged the October 2002 assassination of U.S. diplomat Lawrence Foley in Jordan. Al Zarqawi is still at large.

Ramzi Yousef, who entered the U.S. on an Iraqi passport and was the architect of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing as well as Operation Bojinka, a foiled plot to explode 12 U.S. airliners over the Pacific. Bojinka was later adopted by Yousef's cousin Khalid Shaikh Mohammed as the blueprint for the Sept. 11 attacks.
Arrested in Pakistan in 1995, Yousef is currently serving a triple life sentence in Colorado's Supermax federal lockup.


Mahmoud Besharat, the Palestinian businessman who traveled to Baghdad in March 2002 to collect funding from Saddam for the Palestinian Intifada. Besharat and others disbursed the funds in payments of $10,000 to $25,000 to West Bank families of terrorists who died trying to kill Israelis.
After Saddam announced his Intifada reward plan, 28 Palestinian homicide bombers killed 211 Israelis in attacks that also killed 12 Americans. A total of 1,209 people were injured.

For more details on Saddam Hussein's sponsorship of the terrorist networks that killed hundreds of innocent U.S. citizens, go to: http://www.hudson.org/files/publications/murdocksaddamarticle.pdf

Editor's note:




http://www.hudson.org/files/publications/murdocksaddamarticle.pdf
Saddam Hussein's
Philanthropy of Terror
International
Relations
Emergency workers treat one of the 1,042 individuals injured in the February 1993 World Trade Center bombing. This attack also
killed six people. Abdul Rahman Yasin (inset), indicted for mixing the chemicals in that bomb, fled to Baghdad after the attack and
lived there for years afterward.
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Many critics of the war in Iraq belittle claims of Saddam Hussein's ties to
terrorism. In fact, for years, he was militant Islam's Benefactor-in-Chief.
Deroy Murdock
"Inever believed in the link between Saddam Hussein, Osama bin Laden, al Qaeda, and Islamist terrorism," former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright flatly declared in an October 21 essay published in Australia's Melbourne Herald Sun.i "Iraq was not a breeding ground for terrorism. Our invasion has made it one," said Senator Ted Kennedy (D-Massachusetts) on October 16. "We were told Iraq was attracting terrorists from al Qaeda. It was not."ii As President Bush continues to lead America's involvement in Iraq, he increasingly is being forced to confront those who dismiss Saddam Hussein's ties to terrorism and, thus, belittle a key rationale for Operation Iraqi Freedom. Bush's critics wield a flimsy and disingenuous argument that nonetheless enjoys growing appeal among a largely hostile press corps. Hussein did not personally order the September 11 attacks, the fuzzy logic goes, hence he has no significant ties to terrorists, especially al Qaeda. Consequently, the Iraq war was launched under bogus assumptions, and, therefore, Bush should be defeated in November 2004. West Virginia's Jay Rockefeller, the Senate Intelligence Committee's ranking Democrat, exemplified this thinking recently when he told the Los Angeles Times that Iraq's alleged al Qaeda ties were "tenuous at best and not compelling."iii In a September 16 editorial, the L.A. Times slammed Vice President Dick Cheney for making "sweeping, unproven claims about Saddam Hussein's connections to terrorism." On August 7, former vice president Albert Gore stated flatly, "The evidence now shows clearly that Saddam did not want to work with Osama bin Laden at all."iv All of these claims about a lack of ties between Hussein and terrorists, however, are untrue, and it is important that debate on this vital issue be informed After running an al Qaeda training camp in Afghanistan, Abu Musab al Zarqawi received medical care in Baghdad once the Taliban fell. He opened an Ansar al-Islam camp in northern Iraq and reportedly arranged the October 2002 assassination of U.S. diplomat Lawrence Foley in Jordan. Zarqawi is at large.
Abu Abbas masterminded the 1985 hijacking of the ocean liner Achille Lauro during which American retiree Leon Klinghoffer was murdered. U.S. troops captured Abbas in Baghdad last April 14. Iraqi Ramzi Yousef, architect of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, arrived in America on an Iraqi passport before fleeing after the attack on Pakistani papers.
Abu Nidal's terrorist gang killed 407 people, including 10 Americans, and wounded 788 more. He lived in Baghdad between 1999 and his mysterious shooting death in August 2002.
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by facts. The president and his national security team should devote entire speeches and publications--complete with names, documents, and visuals, including the faces of terrorists and their innocent victims--to remind Americans and the world that Baathist Iraq was a general store for terrorists, complete with cash, training, lodging, and medical attention.
Indeed, this magazine
article could serve as a model for the kinds of communications that the administration regularly should generate to set the record straight about Hussein and terrorism and reassert the reasons behind the Iraq mission. Such an effort to reinvigorate U.S. public diplomacy on Iraq should be easy. After all, the evidence of Hussein's cooperation with and support for global terrorists is abundant and increasing, to wit:
Saddam Hussein's Habitual Support for Terrorists Both supporters and opponents of Islamic terror have provided abundant evidence of Hussein's aid for a wide array of terrorists. Consider the following.
* Hussein paid bonuses of up to $25,000 to the families of Palestinian homicide bombers.
"President Saddam Hussein has recently told the head of the Palestinian political office, Faroq al Kaddoumi, his decision to raise the sum granted to each family of the martyrs of the Palestinian uprising to $25,000 instead of $10,000," Iraq's former deputy prime minister, Tariq Aziz, announced at a Baghdad meeting of Arab politicians and businessmen on March 11, 2002, Reuters reported two days later.v
Mahmoud Besharat, who the White House says disbursed these funds across the West Bank, gratefully said, "You would have to ask President Saddam why he is being so generous. But he is a revolutionary and he wants this distinguished struggle, the intifada, to continue."vi
Such largesse poured forth until the eve of the Iraq war. As Knight-Ridder's Carol Rosenberg reported from Gaza City last March 13: "In a graduation-style ceremony Wednesday, the families of 22 Palestinians killed fighting Israelis received checks for $10,000 or more, certificates of appreciation and a kiss on each cheek--compliments of Iraq's Saddam Hussein." She added: "The certificates declared the gift from President Saddam Hussein; the checks were cut at a Gaza branch of the Cairo-Amman bank." This festivity, attended by some 400 people and organized by the then-Baghdad-backed Arab Liberation Front, occurred March 12, just eight days before American-led troops crossed the Iraqi frontier.vii
Hussein's patronage of Palestinian terror proved fatally fruitful. Between the March 11, 2002, increase in cash incentives to $25,000 and the March 20, 2003, launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom, 28 homicide bombers injured 1,209 people and killed 223 more, including 12 Americans.viii
* According to the U.S. State Department's May 21, 2002, report on Patterns of Global Terrorism,ix the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO), the Arab Liberation Front, Hamas, the Kurdistan Workers' Party, the Mujahedin-e-Khalq Organization, and the Palestine Liberation Front all operated offices or bases in Hussein's Iraq. Hussein's hospitality toward these mass murderers directly violated United Nations Security Council Resolution 687, which prohibited him from granting safe haven to or otherwise sponsoring terrorists.
* Key terrorists enjoyed Hussein's warmth, some so recently that Coalition forces subsequently found them alive and well and living in Iraq. Among them:
* U.S. Special Forces nabbed Abu Abbas last April 14 just outside Baghdad. Abbas masterminded the October 7-9, 1985, Achille Lauro cruise ship hijacking in which Abbas's men shot passenger Leon Klinghoffer, a 69-year old Manhattan retiree, then rolled him, wheelchair and all, into the Mediterranean. Abbas briefly was in Italian custody at the time, but was released that October 12 because he possessed an Iraqi diplomatic passport.
Since 2000, Abbas
September 11 hijackers Nawaz al-Hamzi (left) and Khalid al-Midhar (right) were on American Airlines Flight 77 when it slammed into the Pentagon and killed 216 people. The two terrorists reportedly met Iraqi VIP airport greeter Ahmad Hikmat Shakir in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia, on January 5, 2000, whereupon he escorted them to a 9-11 planning summit with other al Qaeda members.
Khala Khadar al-Salahat, a top deputy to Palestinian terrorist Abu Nidal,
reportedly furnished Libyan agents the bomb that demolished Pan Am Flight 103 in December 1988. That attack killed all 259 on board and 11 on the ground in Lockerbie, Scotland. Baghdad resident al Salahat surrendered to U.S. Marines last April. Delaware exchange student John Buonocore, age 20, was among those killed when the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO) used guns and grenades to attack a TWA ticket counter at Rome's Leonardo Da Vinci airport in December 1986. The ANO maintained offices in Baghdad until U.S. troops liberated the Iraqi capital.
American Abigail Litle, the 14-year-old daughter of a Baptist minister, was killed by a Palestinian homicide bomber while riding a bus in Haifa, Israel, on March 5, 2003. Saddam Hussein paid bonuses of up to $25,000 to the families of terrorists who killed at least 223 people, including 11 other Americans.
49
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resided in Baghdad, still under Saddam
Hussein's protection.x
* Khala Khadr al Salahat, a member of the ANO, surrendered to the First Marine Division in Baghdad on April 18. As the Sunday Times of London reported on August 25, 2002, a Palestinian source said that al Salahat and Nidal had furnished Libyan agents the Semtex bomb that destroyed Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, on December 21, 1988, killing 259 on board and 11 on the ground. The 189 Americans murdered on the sabotaged Boeing 747 included 35 Syracuse University students who had spent the fall semester in Scotland and were heading home for the holidays.xi
* Before fatally shooting himself in the head with four bullets on August 16, 2002, as straight-faced Baathist officials claimed, Palestinian terrorist Abu Nidal (born Sabri al Banna) had lived in Iraq since at least 1999. As the Associated Press's Sameer N. Yacoub reported on August 21, 2002, the Beirut office of the ANO said that he entered Iraq "with the full knowledge and preparations of the Iraqi authorities."xii Nidal's attacks in 20 countries killed 407 people and wounded 788 more, the U.S. State Department calculates. Among other atrocities, an ANO-planted bomb exploded on a TWA airliner as it flew from Israel to Greece on September 8, 1974. The jet was destroyed over the Ionian Sea, killing all 88 people on board.xiii
* Coalition troops have shut down at least three terrorist training camps in Iraq, including a base approximately 15 miles southeast of Baghdad, called Salman Pak.xiv Before the war, numerous Iraqi defectors had said that the camp featured a passenger jet on which terrorists sharpened their air piracy skills.xv
"There have been several confirmed sightings of Islamic fundamentalists from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Gulf states being trained in terror tactics at the Iraqi intelligence camp at Salman Pak," said Khidir Hamza, Iraq's former nuclearweapons chief, in sworn testimony before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee on July 31, 2002. "The training involved assassination, explosions, and hijacking."xvi "This camp is specialized in exporting terrorism to the whole world," former Iraqi army captain Sabah Khodada told PBS's Frontline TV program in an October 14, 2001 interview.xvii Khodada, who worked at Salman Pak, said, "Training includes hijacking and kidnapping of airplanes, trains, public buses, and planting explosives in cities . . . how to prepare for suicidal operations." Khodada added, "We saw people getting trained to hijack airplanes. . . . They are even trained how to use utensils for food, like forks and knives provided in the plane." A map of the camp that Khodada drew from memory for Frontline closely matches satellite photos of Salman Pak, further bolstering his credibility.xviii These facts clearly disprove the above-quoted statements by Senator Kennedy and the Los Angeles Times and similar claims made by others. The Bush administration could advance American interests by busing a few dozen foreign correspondents and their camera crews from the bar of Baghdad's Palestine Hotel to Salman Pak for a guided tour. Network news footage of that might open a few eyes.
Saddam Hussein's al Qaeda Connections
As for Hussein's supposedly imaginary ties to al Qaeda, consider these disturbing facts:
* The Philippine government expelled Hisham al Hussein, the second secretary at Iraq's Manila embassy, on February 13, 2003. Cell phone records indicate that the Iraqi diplomat had spoken with Abu Madja and Hamsiraji Sali, leaders of Abu Sayyaf, just before and just after their al Qaeda-allied Islamic militant group conducted an attack in Zamboanga City. Abu Sayyaf's nail-filled bomb exploded on October 2, 2002, injuring 23 individuals and killing two Filipinos and U.S. Special Forces Sergeant First Class Mark Wayne Jackson, age 40. As Dan Murphy wrote in the Christian Science Monitor last February 26, those phone records bolster Sali's claim in a November 2002 TV interview that the Iraqi diplomat had offered these Muslim extremists Baghdad's help with joint missions.xix
* The Weekly Standard's intrepid reporter Stephen F. Hayes noted in the magazine's July 11, 2003, issue that the official Babylon Daily Political Newspaper published Iraqi diplomat Hisham al Hussein was expelled from the Philippines last February after cellphone records showed he was in contact with leaders of Abu Sayyaf, an al Qaeda-allied terrorist group. An October 2002 Abu Sayyaf bomb injured 23 and killed three, including U.S. soldier Mark Wayne Jackson.
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by Hussein's eldest son, Uday, had revealed a terrorist connection in what it called a "List of Honor" published a few months earlier.xx The paper's November 14, 2002, edition gave the names and titles of 600 leading Iraqis and included the following passage: "Abid Al-Karim Muhamed Aswod, intelligence offi- cer responsible for the coordination of activities with the Osama bin Laden group at the Iraqi embassy in Pakistan." That name, Hayes wrote, "matches that of Iraq's then-ambassador to Islamabad."
Carter-appointed federal appeals judge Gilbert S. Merritt discovered this document in Baghdad while helping rebuild Iraq's legal system. He wrote in the June 25 issue of the Tennessean that two of his Iraqi colleagues remember secret police agents removing that embarrassing edition from newsstands and con- fiscating copies of it from private homes.xxi The paper was not published for the next 10 days. Judge Merritt theorized that the "impulsive and somewhat unbalanced" Uday may have showcased these dedicated Baathists to "make them more loyal and supportive of the regime" as war loomed.
* Abu Musab al Zarqawi, formerly the director of an al Qaeda training base in Afghanistan, fled to Iraq after being injured as the Taliban fell. He received medical care and convalesced for two months in Baghdad. He then opened an Ansar al Islam terrorist training camp in northern Iraq and arranged the October 2002 assassination of U.S. diplomat Lawrence Foley in Amman, Jordan.
* Although Iraqi Ramzi Yousef, ringleader of the February 26, 1993, World Trade Center (WTC) bombing plot, fled the United States on Pakistani papers, he came to America on an Iraqi passport.
* As Richard Miniter, author of this year's bestseller Losing bin Laden, reported on September 25, 2003, on the Tech Central Station webpage, "U.S. forces recently discovered a cache of documents in Tikrit, Saddam's hometown, which shows Iraq gave [al Qaeda member] Mr. [Abdul Rahman] Yasin both a house and a monthly salary." The Indiana-born, Iraqi-reared Yasin had been charged in August 1993 for mixing the chemicals in the bomb that exploded beneath One World Trade Center, killing six and injuring 1,042 individuals.xxii Indicted by federal prosecutors as a conspirator in the WTC bomb plot, Yasin is on the FBI's Most- Wanted Terrorists list.xxiii ABC News confirmed, on July 27, 1994, that Yasin had returned to Baghdad, where he traveled freely and visited his father's home almost daily.xxiv
* Near Iraq's border with Syria last April 25, U.S. troops captured Farouk Hijazi, Hussein's former ambassador to Turkey and suspected liaison between Iraq and al Qaeda. Under interrogation, Stephen Hayes reports, Hijazi "admitted meeting with senior al Qaeda leaders at Saddam's behest in 1994."xxv
* While sifting through the Mukhabarat's bombed ruins last April 26, the Toronto Star's Mitch Potter, the London Daily Telegraph's Inigo Gilmore, and their translator discovered a memo in the intelligence service's accounting department. Dated February 19, 1998, and marked "Top Secret and Urgent," the document said that the agency would pay "all the travel and hotel expenses inside Iraq to gain the knowledge of the message from bin Laden and to convey to his envoy an oral message from us to bin Laden, the Saudi opposition leader, about the future of our relationship with him, and to achieve a direct meeting with him." The memo's three references to bin Laden were obscured crudely with correction fluid.xxvi These facts directly refute the claims of Senator Rockefeller and Secretary Albright mentioned at the top of this article. The ties between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda are clear and compelling. Saddam Hussein's Ties to the September 11
Conspiracy
Despite the White House's inexplicable insistence to the contrary, tantalizing clues suggest that Saddam Hussein's jaw might not have dropped to the floor when fireballs erupted from the Twin Towers two years ago.
* His Salman Pak terror camp taught terrorists how to hijack passenger jets with cutlery, as noted earlier.
* On January 5, 2000, Ahmad Hikmat Shakir--Terrorist Organizations Given Funds, Shelter, and/or Training by Saddam Hussein Organization Total Total Americans Americans killed wounded killed wounded
Abu Nidal Organization 407 788 10 58
Ansar al-Islam 114 16 1 --
Arab Liberation Front 4 6 -- --
Hamas 224 1,445 17 30
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) 44 327 -- 2
Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK) 17 43 7 1
Palestine Liberation Front 1 42 1 --
Total 811 2,667 36 91
Sources:
U.S. Department of State, Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism, "1968 - 2003: Total
Persons Killed/Wounded--International and Accepted Incidents." Figures prepared for author
November 17, 2003.
Statistics on Ansar al-Islam:
Jonathan Landay, "Islamic militants kill senior Kurdish general." Knight-Ridder News Service, February 11, 2003.
Catherine Taylor, "Saddam and bin Laden help fanatics, say Kurds." The Times of London, March 28, 2002.
AMERICAN OUTLOOK FA L L 2 0 0 3 51
I N T E R N AT I O N A L R E L AT I O N S
an Iraqi VIP facilitator reportedly dispatched from Baghdad's embassy in Malaysia--greeted Khalid al Midhar and Nawaz al Hamzi at Kuala Lampur's airport, where he worked. He then escorted them to a local hotel, where these September 11 hijackers met with 9-11 conspirators Ramzi bin al Shibh and Tawfiz al Atash. Five days later, according to Stephen Hayes, Shakir disappeared. He was arrested in Qatar on September 17, 2001, six days after al Midhar and al Hamzi slammed American Airlines Flight 77 into the Pentagon, killing 216 people. Soon after he was apprehended, authorities discovered documents on Shakir's person and in his apartment connecting him to the 1993 WTC bomb plot and "Operation Bojinka," al Qaeda's 1995 plan to blow up 12 jets simultaneously over the Pacific.xxvii
* Although the Bush administration has
expressed doubts, the Czech government stands by its claim that September 11 leader Mohamed Atta met in Prague in April 2001 with Ahmed Khalil Ibrahim al Ani, an Iraqi diplomat/intelligence agent. In a February 24 letter to James Beasley Jr., a Philadelphia lawyer who represents the families of two Twin Towers casualties, Czech UN Ambassador Hynek Kmonicek embraced an October 26, 2001, statement by Czech Interior Minister Stanislav Gross:
In this moment we can confirm, that during the next stay of Mr. Muhammad [sic] Atta in the Czech Republic, there was the contact with the official of the Iraqi intelligence, Mr. Al Ani, Ahmed Khalin Ibrahim Samir, who was on 22nd April 2001 expelled from the Czech Republic on the basis of activities which were not compatible with the diplomatic status."xxviii Al Ani was expelled two weeks after the suspected meeting with Atta for apparently hostile surveillance of Radio Free Europe's Prague headquarters. That building also happened to house America's anti-Baathist station, Radio Free Iraq. The Czech government continues to claim, in short, that the 9-11 mastermind Atta met with at least one Iraqi intelligence official in the months during which the attacks were orchestrated.
* A Clinton-appointed Manhattan federal judge, Harold Baer, ordered Hussein, his ousted regime, Osama bin Laden, and others to pay $104 million in damages to the families of George Eric Smith and Timothy Soulas (clients of Beasley, the aforementioned attorney), both of whom were killed in the Twin Towers along with 2,750 others. "I conclude that plaintiffs have shown, albeit barely, `by evidence satisfactory to the court' that Iraq provided material support to bin Laden and al Qaeda," Baer ruled. An airtight case? Perhaps not, but the court found that there was sufficient evidence to tie Saddam Hussein to the September 11 attacks and secure a May 7 federal judgment against him.xxix If one takes the time to connect these dots--as is the professional duty of journalists and politicians who address this matter--a clear portrait emerges of Saddam Hussein as a sugar daddy to global terrorists including al Qaeda and even the 9-11 conspirators. As Americans grow increasingly restless about Washington's continuing military presence in Iraq, to say nothing of what people think overseas, the administration ought to paint this picture. So why won't they?
Bush Administration Needs to Educate the World on Hussein and Terror
One Bush administration communications specialist told me that the government is bashful about all of this because these links are difficult to prove. And indeed they are. But prosecuting the informational battle in the War on Terrorism is not like prosecuting a Mafia don, which typically requires rock-solid exhibits such as wiretap intercepts, hidden-camera footage, DNA samples, and the testimony of deep-cover "Mob rats." On the contrary, it is important to emphasize, as strongly as possible, that the United States need not--and in fact should not--hold itself to courtroom standards of evidence except when appearing before domestic or international judges. The administration merely has to demonstrate its claims and refute those of its opponents, not convict Saddam Hussein before a jury of his peers. Moreover, those who argue that Hussein was no terror master do not hold themselves to such lofty standards of proof, as the examples noted earlier demonstrate. The appropriate standard of evidence, then, to be entirely fair to both sides in this controversy, is not that of a trial, but rather that of a hearing on whether a criminal suspect should be indicted. In this respect, the "prosecution" defi-nitely has a prima facie case that Hussein's Iraq indeed was a haven for terrorists until the moment U.S. troops invaded. Terrorist attacks, of course, are meant to be at least as shadowy as Cosa Nostra hit jobs. Although this makes Just 15 miles from Baghdad, Salman Pak served as a Baathist training facility for terrorists. According to numerous defectors, foreign Islamic militants at Salman Pak used an actual jet fuselage to learn how to hijack airliners using knives and forks from their in-flight meals.
52 AMERICAN OUTLOOK FA L L 2 0 0 3
I N T E R N AT I O N A L R E L AT I O N S
Notes
i Madeleine Albright, "How we tackled the wrong tiger." Melbourne Herald Sun, October 21, 2003, page 19.
ii Anne E. Kornblut, "Kennedy to assail Bush over Iraq war." Boston Globe online, October16, 2003, .
iii Greg Miller, "No Proof Connects Iraq to 9/11, Bush says." Los Angeles Times, September 18, 2003, part 1, page 1.
iv CBS 2 homepage, "Gore Takes Aim At Bush: Former Veep Addresses New York Audience." August 7, 2003, .
v Reuters, "Hussein vows cash for martyrs." March 12, 2002. Published in The Australian, March 13, 2002, page 9.
vi The White House, "Saddam Hussein's Support for International Terrorism." .
vii Carol Rosenberg, "Families of slain Palestinians receive checks from Saddam." Knight-Ridder News Service, March 13, 2003. Published in Salt Lake City Tribune, March, 13, 2003. .
viii Facts of Israel.com, "Chronology of Palestinian Homicide Bombings." .
ix U.S. Department of State, Patterns of Global Terrorism. May 21, 2002, .
x Saud Abu Ramadan, "Call for Abbas release, also extradition." United Press International, April 16, 2003.
xi Marie Colvin and Sonya Murad, "Executed." Sunday Times of London, August 25, 2002, page 13. See also: Republican Study Committee, "American Citizens Killed or Injured by Palestinian Terrorists: September 1993 - October 2003." October 17, 2003.
xii Sameer N. Yacoub, "Iraq claims terrorist leader committed suicide." August 21, 2002 Associated Press dispatch published in Portsmouth Herald, Portsmouth, New Hampshire, August 22, 2002, .
xiii Associated Press, "Palestinian officials say Abu Nidal is dead." Posted on USAToday.com, week of August 19, 2002, .
xiv Ravi Nessman, "Marines capture camp suspected as Iraqi training base for terrorists." Associated Press, April 6, 2003, 4:14 p.m. EST. Posted by St. Paul Pioneer Press on April 7, 2003, .
xv Deroy Murdock, "The 9/11 Connection: What Salman Pak Could Reveal." National Review Online, April 3, 2003, .
xvi Khidhir Hamza, "The Iraqi Threat." Statement before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, July 31, 2002, .
xvii PBS online, "Gunning for Saddam: Should Saddam Hussein Be America's Next Target in the War on Terrorism?" November 8, 2001, .
xviii Deroy Murdock, "At Salman Pak: Iraq's Terror Ties." National Review Online, April 7, 2003, .
xix Stephen F. Hayes, "Saddam's al Qaeda Connection: The evidence mounts, but the administration says surprisingly little." The Weekly Standard, September 1, 2003, volume 008, issue 48, .
xx Stephen F. Hayes, "The Al Qaeda Connection, cont.: More reason to suspect that bin Laden and Saddam may have been in league." The Daily Standard July 11, 2003, .
xxi Gilbert S. Merritt, "Document Links Saddam, bin Laden." The Tennessean, June 25, 2003, .
xxii Richard Miniter, "The Iraq-Al Qaeda Connections." Tech Central Station, September 25, 2003, .
xxiii Federal Bureau of Investigation, profile of Abdul Rahman Yasin on FBI's Most-Wanted Terrorists list, .
xxiv Sheila MacVicar, "`America's Most Wanted' - Fugitive Terrorists." ABC News' "Day One," July 27, 1994.
xxv Stephen F. Hayes, "The Al Qaeda Connection: Saddam's links to Osama were no secret." The Weekly Standard, May 12, 2003, .
xxvi Inigo Gilmore, "The Proof that Saddam worked with bin Laden." London Daily Telegraph, April 27, 2003, .
xxvii Stephen F. Hayes, "Dick Cheney Was Right: `We don't know' about Saddam and 9/11." The Weekly Standard, October 20, 2003, .
xxviii Hynek Kmonicek, letter to James Beasley Jr., February 24, 2003. In author's possession. A scanned image of the letter is available on the Hudson Institute's website, www.hudson.org.
xxix CBS News, "Court Rules: Al Qaida, Iraq Linked." May 7, 2003, .
---------------------------------------------

After Haiti, Venezuela is wary of US interference
The US response in Haiti has divided Latin Americans over US policy - especially in politically torn Venezuela.
By Mike Ceaser | Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor
CARACAS, VENEZUELA - Whether Washington is a hero or hangman of democracy in Latin America may be a matter of political perspective.
Haitians watched last week as US agents whisked leftist President Jean-Bertrand Aristide off to the heart of Africa in what Mr. Aristide describes as a kidnapping. In Venezuela, President Hugo Chavez, another leftist who has antagonized Washington, has harshly accused the White House of backing coup-plotters against him. Critical of US action in Haiti, he warned the US on Friday to "get its hands off Venezuela."
The Caribbean Community, or CARICOM, an organization of mostly English-speaking nations, is calling for Aristide's departure to be investigated. More than a dozen Caribbean nations have refused to join any peacekeeping force there.
Washington has reformed from the days when it supported vicious Latin American dictatorships, but it has not embraced democracy unreservedly, says Robert Fatton, a Haitian-American professor of politics at the University of Virginia.
"There have been changes in support for democracy, but they have to be democracies that the US likes," he says.
Haitians and Venezuelans alike are divided over US actions. What Ch?vez and Aristide loyalists may consider American intrusion and coup-mongering is simply support for democracy in the eyes of many of their opponents, who have accused both presidents of ruling authoritatively and violating human rights.

Hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans marched on Saturday to protest the denial of a presidential recall vote. The demonstration was more peaceful than last week's rioting when Ch?vez critics burned tires and blockaded streets.
Protester Anais Viloria, an attorney, says he favors US involvement in Venezuela. "The United States is a guarantor of democracy," he says.
But across town at the National Electoral Council's headquarters, pro-Ch?vez demonstrators waved banners saying "CIA out of Venezuela." Security guard Otilio Bencomo charges the US with plotting to remove Chavez by any means in order to cheaply obtain Venezuela's oil.
"[Washington] wants a government which will kneel down before them, in order to take Venezuela's natural resources," he says.
Ch?vez is trying to derail the effort to hold a recall vote. Opposition organizations turned in 3.4 million signatures last December, but the electoral council ruled last week that only 1.8 million of those were valid - far below the 2.4 million required. Ch?vez opponents charge the government-dominated council with using unfair technicalities. Those whose signatures were ruled doubtful will have an opportunity to confirm their signatures during a "repair period," but the opposition claims the electoral council has set conditions designed to frustrate that goal.
The US has earned Ch?vez's ire by sending hundreds of thousands of dollars to anti-Ch?vez organizations here and by issuing a steady stream of criticisms of Ch?vez policies. On Saturday, President Bush expressed support for the referendum process.
At the same time, Washington's abandonment of Aristide has set a dangerous precedent for other leaders, Mr. Fatton says. "It generates a lot of problems for a government which was elected and becomes unpopular," he says.
In Chile, where dictator Augusto Pinochet's government murdered thou- sands of leftists - and enjoyed US backing during much of his regime - the public attitude toward Washington is moving on, says Guillermo Holzman, a University of Chile professor of politics. Chileans are dubious about the US's democratic values, he says, but for new reasons: the Bush administration's unilateral actions on issues such as the Kyoto Protocol and the war in Iraq.
"It's not clear whether [US actions] are to support democracy or protect its interests," Mr. Holzman says.
Michael Shifter, an analyst with the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington, says the White House has repeatedly fumbled - and damaged its image - in Latin America because the terror war has distracted its attention. "[A problem] reaches a crisis point and then it's too late, and Washington reacts badly," he says.
Carlos Gervasoni, a political science professor at Catholic University in Buenos Aires, says Washington's response to Venezuela's 2002 coup caused it much more damage in Latin America than did its recent actions in Haiti. In Haiti, he argues, the democratic succession was preserved following Aristide's departure. But Washington gave an extremely negative signal two years ago when it welcomed the de facto government that ousted Chavez and dissolved the constitution and parliament.
"Venezuela was the Bush administration's one opportunity to support democracy, and it didn't," he said.
But, Mr. Gervasoni says, by restricting itself to a peacekeeping force in Haiti, Washington avoided another international relations disaster in a region sensitive about its role in history as the US's backyard. "A military intervention would have been rejected in Latin America," he says. "That is Latin America's greatest fear."

* Material from Reuters was used for this report.
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The spread of nuclear know-how
How key nuclear secrets were leaked and copied all over the world.
By Peter Grier | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
WASHINGTON - In the early 1970s, at a factory in the Dutch town of Almelo, the governments of Britain, West Germany, and the Netherlands were perfecting a secret uranium-enrichment technology: the ultracentrifuge.
The machines were made of precisely crafted tubes of metal that spun at fantastic speeds.
The centrifugal force this spinning created was so great it could physically separate the different isotopes of natural uranium.
Naturally, this technology was housed in a factory that was supposed to be secure.
But in practice the atmosphere at Almelo was relaxed. The centrifuge building housed a snack shop, and workers without full clearance routinely filtered through - including a well-liked Pakistani metallurgist named Abdul Qadeer Khan.
Other workers thought nothing of their repeated sightings of Dr. Khan walking through the centrifuge facility, notebook in hand.
Fast forward to 2004. Khan, who became the father of Pakistan's nuclear-weapons program, has admitted to peddling nuclear know-how for profit - and the secrets of the centrifuges of Almelo have leaked all over the world.
The characteristics of the machines can be as distinctive as fingerprints. Parts and plans related to centrifuges have proved crucial clues linking Iran, Libya, and Pakistan together in a web of nuclear proliferation.
Their dissemination is particularly dangerous because they can solve the most daunting aspect of building nuclear weapons - acquiring the fissile core.
"There is no secret to making a nuclear bomb," says Matthew Bunn, a nuclear expert at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government. "The hard part is getting the [fissile] material."
Libya has admitted to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) officials that it first bought centrifuges and centrifuge parts in 1997. This initial batch - enough for at least 220 machines, according to IAEA documents - was similar in design to the first centrifuge model produced by the British-German-Dutch Urenco consortium.
Beginning in 2000, Libya set its sights on a more advanced centrifuge. This design, dubbed "L-2" in IAEA documents, was itself based on a second- generation Urenco centrifuge that uses super strength maraging steel instead of aluminum for rotors. Libya ordered parts for 10,000 L-2s. These components began to arrive in large quantities in December 2002.
Iran, for its part, has some 920 centrifuges of the less-sophisticated aluminum rotor design, according to the IAEA. It declared ownership of these machines to the IAEA last year.
But further investigation - including interviews with ex-Iranian officials - led international inspectors to suspect that Iran knew more than it was saying about advanced steel rotor centrifuges. This January Iranian officials admitted that they had received blueprints from foreign sources for advanced "P-2" machines.
The Iranians said that they decided they weren't capable of making the finely machined rotors out of steel, and instead had tried to make them from carbon composites. This failed. So they did what any backyard inventor frustrated with a balky whiz-bang might do - they threw the whole thing in the garbage.
According to Iran, after June 2003 "all of the [P-2] centrifuge equipment was moved to the Pars Trash Company in Tehran," says the IAEA's recent Iran report.
Centrifuges in the trash? Right.
The IAEA - not to mention the Bush administration - isn't buying this part of the story. They want the Iranians to talk more about what they really have in terms of P-2 equipment.
But Iran continues to insist that its nuclear program is meant only to produce electricity. Squeezing them too hard at this point might be counterproductive, say some experts. They're like someone hauled in by law enforcement for an interview who can leave at any moment, since they haven't officially been charged with a crime.
"We want them to continue cooperating with the police," says Daryl Kimball, executive director of the Arms Control Agency.
The development of gas centrifuges was an attempt to solve a problem which has dogged scientists since the beginning of the atomic age: the tremendous expense and energy involved in refining fissionable material.
The enriched uranium thus produced can be used in nuclear power plants. Urenco began its own work so that Western Europe would not have to depend on the US to supply reactor fuel, for example. But centrifuges can also produce higher enriched uranium. This, or plutonium, is the material necessary for the core of a bomb.
Clues in a technology trail
The presence of centrifuges doesn't establish intent to make weapons. But combined with other clues they can be a powerful indicator of an intention to develop a home-grown arsenal.
"The technology is inherently dual-use," says Corey Hinderstein, a senior analyst at the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS). Thus Western intelligence agencies were suspicious of Iran as early as 13 years ago. In 1991, Italian intelligence reported that Sharif University in Tehran had ordered a sophisticated ring magnet from the Austrian firm Tribacher, according to an ISIS article.
The magnet in question was suitable for use in the upper bearing of a Urenco-like centrifuge.
Centrifuges work by spinning at a very high speed - close to or surpassing the speed of sound. Uranium gas is pumped inside the spinning cylinders.
The gravitational force is so strong that the heavier molecules of U-238, the most-common isotope in natural uranium, move toward the outside. The lighter, much rarer, and highly fissionable isotope U-235 collects closer to the center.
A stream of gas slightly enriched in U-235 is withdrawn and then fed into the next of a train of centrifuges, and so on until it becomes more than 90 percent pure.
This is simple in theory but highly difficult in practice. The precision necessary to keep intact a rotor moving at more than 100,000 revolutions a minute is at the limits of modern engineering methods.
In fact, the Urenco P-1, the base design for the first machines acquired by Libya and Iran, was never all that great, according to David Albright, head of ISIS and a former international weapons inspector.
Thus the proliferation network which provided them may have been selling off the centrifuge equivalent of bug-ridden version 1.0 software.
"The P-2 - now that worked like a charm," says Mr. Albright, former international weapons inspector.

* Faye Bowers contributed to this report.

-------------------------------------------------

US drives effort to prevent another Pakistani breach
Bush may talk Wednesday about countries that have not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
By Faye Bowers | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
WASHINGTON - Leakage of nuclear secrets out of Pakistan makes at least one thing clear, US experts say: Today it's more important than ever to plug such proliferation holes.
The steady drip of revelations about Pakistani scientists' activities also may call into question the nature of US relations with a country that is both an ally in the war on terror and a fount of Islamic fundamentalism.
Abdul Qadeer Khan, former head of Pakistan's nuclear program, has expressed sympathy with terror groups known to want nuclear weapons - as have some of Mr. Khan's key military supervisors.
President Bush may address these delicate questions as early as Wednesday. "It is necessary that Pakistan in general, and Khan in particular, provide every shred of information necessary to roll up this network outside of Pakistan," says Matthew Bunn, an expert on nuclear weapons at Harvard University's Kennedy School. "Locking down stockpiles of materials to make bombs is all the more critical if terrorists could have access to a bomb design."
Pakistan's reaction so far causes concern among experts. It's not at all clear, they say, that Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf will turn over information necessary to locate all the links in the chain. Nor is it clear that he will prosecute Pakistani scientists and military or intelligence officials who may have aided Khan's transfers.
The current relationship between Pakistan and the US is slightly curious, these sources say. To this point the US has been oddly restrained about the Pakistani revelations, for one thing.
"Waving the fear of an Islamic fundamentalist state isn't good enough," says David Albright, president of the Institute for Science and International Security. "We cannot risk an attack by a nuclear bomb."
Earlier this week, General Musharraf said the US made him aware of Khan's suspected proliferation activities three years ago, but didn't provide sufficient evidence until last October. That revelation follows Khan's confession that he alone was responsible for transferring technology to Libya, North Korea, and Iran, as well as Musharraf's pardon of Khan.
Still, many questions remain over who else in Pakistan may have been involved with the proliferation ring, and when the US discovered it. For example, in a speech defending the Central Intelligence Agency last Thursday, Director George Tenet said the CIA has known about Khan's activities for some time. In fact, he said he provided testimony to an open session of Congress in February 2003 about the threat posed by "private proliferators," euphemistically referring to Khan.
Mr. Tenet went on to say, "We discovered the extent of Khan's hidden network ... stretching from Pakistan to Europe to the Middle East to Asia.... Our spies penetrated the network through a series of daring operations over several years."
Those kinds of statements are what makes it hard for experts here to believe there won't be much more revealed about this underground network. And it raises the question: If the Bush administration knew about it earlier, why did it wait until October to confront Musharraf?
"Tenet is saying they knew more than what was publicly revealed," says Paul Kerr, a researcher at the Arms Control Association in Washington. "I would be willing to bet more will be revealed. [Khan] had a fairly clever clandestine network built up in this string of suppliers."
Others agree with that assessment about additional disclosures. In fact, many experts believe there had to be more complicity within the Pakistani government.
Those kinds of transfers, they say, could not have taken place without the aid of the powerful military - charged as protectors of Pakistan's nuclear program - and possibly its intelligence service.
These experts also worry about the possible transfer of plans and technology to terror groups. Khan, as well as his former military supervisors, has long been known to sympathize not only with other Muslim nations trying to obtain a nuclear weapon, but also with Islamic groups.
In a 1984 interview with the Pakistani newspaper Nawa-e-Waqt, for example, Khan accused the West of trying to dampen Pakistan's efforts to obtain a nuclear weapon. "All this is part of the crusades which the Christians and Jews had initiated against the Muslims 1,000 years ago," Khan said. He went on to say that the West was afraid that Pakistan might share its technology with Iraq, Libya, and Iran.
Moreover, the military general who oversaw Khan's work, Gen. Mirza Aslam Beg, has publicly sympathized with Al Qaeda leaders. After the US bombed Al Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan in 1998, General Beg spoke to reporters. "By the grace of God," he said, Osama bin Laden escaped the attacks. Beg has denied he knew of any nuclear technology or information transfers. But he also told The New York Times that the government "would not dare" to ask him about it.

------------------------------------------------------
No evidence: Levin's latest accusations against Pentagon blow up in his face


Washington Post debunks more of Levin's allegations.
Yet another congressional "investigation" of the administration's anti-terrorism efforts has blown up in the faces of the accusers.

The Washington Post finds no truth to the allegations, led by Senator Carl Levin (D-Mich.), that Pentagon leaders set up their own unauthorized bureaucracy to collect their own intelligence and shape the rationale for the war effort.

"Congressional Democrats contend that two Pentagon shops -- the Office of Special Plans and the Policy Counterterrorism Evaluation Group -- were established by [Defense Secretary Donald] Rumsfeld, [Under Secretary of Defense for Polich Douglas] Feith and other defense hawks expressly to bypass the CIA and other intelligence agencies," according to the Post. "They argue that the offices supplied the administration with information, most of it discredited by the regular intelligence community, that President Bush, Cheney and others used to exaggerate the Iraqi threat."

"Neither the House nor Senate intelligence committees, for example, which have been investigating prewar intelligence for eight months, have found support for allegations that Pentagon analysts went out and collected their own intelligence, congressional officials from both parties say," the Post reports. "Nor have investigators found that the Pentagon analysis about Iraq significantly shaped the case the administration made for going to war."

Levin is considered the key operator in a scandal over Senate Democrats' use of the intelligence committee for partisan political purposes.

The scandal, which has paralyzed the Senate intelligence oversight process, erupted in a scandal last fall when a memo by the staff of Senator Jay Rockefeller (D-W.V), the top Democrat on the committee, outlined a plan to use the investigative processes to destabilize the Bush administration as it tried to carry out the war on terror.
------------------------------------------------------------------

Democrats Subvert War Intelligence
Posted Dec. 22, 2003
By J. Michael Waller


Mellon, above, is using his position as Democrat staff chief on the Senate intelligence panel to undermine the leadership of Rumsfeld, Feith and Bolton.


It's one of the unsolved political mysteries of 2003: Exactly who drew up the plan for Democrats to abuse the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) as a stealth weapon to undermine and discredit President George W. Bush and the U.S. war effort in Iraq?

The plot, authored by aides to Sen. Jay Rockefeller (D-W.Va.), vice chairman of the committee, has poisoned the working atmosphere of a crucial legislative panel in a time of war, Senate sources say. It centered on duping the panel's Republican chairman, Sen. Pat Roberts of Kansas, into approving probes that in actuality would be fishing expeditions inside the State Department and Pentagon. The authors hoped to dig up and hype "improper or questionable conduct by administration officials." According to a staff memo, the committee then would release the information during the course of the "investigation," with Democrats providing their "additional views" that would, "among other things, castigate the majority [Republicans] for seeking to limit the scope of the inquiry."

In other words, they would manufacture and denounce a cover-up where none existed. The Democrats then would drag the issue through the 2004 presidential campaign by creating an independent commission to investigate, according to the memo.

The plan, made public by Fox News on Nov. 6, went like this: "Prepare to launch an independent investigation when it becomes clear we have exhausted the opportunity to usefully collaborate with the majority. We can pull the trigger on an independent investigation at any time - but we can only do so once. The best time to do so will probably be [in 2004]."

Even before the memo was written, Rockefeller's staff already was off on its own, well outside the traditional bipartisan channels. According to the memo, the "FBI Niger investigation" of reports that Saddam Hussein's regime had tried to buy uranium from West Africa "was done solely at the request of the vice chairman."

The plan wrecked more than two-and-a-half decades of unique bipartisanship on the SSCI, whose job is to oversee the CIA and the rest of the nation's intelligence services. In fact the SSCI, according to the Wall Street Journal after the revelation, was "one of the last redoubts of peaceful coexistence in Congress." But that bipartisanship ended last year when Democrats demanded that the committee staff be split. Instead of reporting directly to the chairman, it now was bifurcated, with Republicans answering to the GOP chairman and Democrats working for the Democratic vice chairman. Roberts didn't like the change, warning at the time that the Democrats wanted to divide the committee into "partisan camps." But the Republicans caved and the staff director of the Democrats, Christopher Mellon, built his own autonomous apparatus.

Insight has pieced together how the Democrats' fishing expedition worked. According to insiders, Mellon, a former Clinton administration official, is part of a network of liberal operatives within the Pentagon and CIA who reportedly are seeking to discredit and politically disable some of the nation's most important architects of the war on terrorism and their efforts to keep weapons of mass destruction from falling into terrorist hands. Mellon already was a SSCI staffer when the Clinton administration tapped him to work as a deputy to the assistant secretary of defense for C3I (command, control, communications and intelligence), where he was responsible for security and information operations. In the C3I office, where he held a civilian rank equivalent to a three-star general, Mellon worked on intelligence-policy issues, or in the words of a former colleague, Cheryl J. Roby, "things like personnel, training and recruiting for intelligence." The office is under the purview of the undersecretary of defense for policy, a post now held by conservative Douglas J. Feith.

Clinton-era personnel reforms allowed officials of his administration to burrow into vital Pentagon posts as careerists, administration officials say, where they have been maneuvering to keep Bush loyalists out of key positions and/or undermine their authority while pushing their own political agendas that run contrary to those of the president. This network, Insight has discovered, extends to the Pentagon's outer reaches such as the National Defense University and far-flung academic and influential policy think tanks, or "CINC tanks," serving the commanders ("CINCs") of the U.S. military theaters around the world [see "Clinton Undead Haunting Pentagon," June 17, 2002].

Senate and Department of Defense (DoD) colleagues say Mellon has a beef against Feith and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, under whom he served briefly until the new Bush administration made its full transition into office. Intelligence sources say he tried to keep conservatives out of key Pentagon posts and to undermine tough antiterrorism policies after 9/11. Back at the SSCI, Mellon's chief targets for criticism have been Feith and his like-minded State Department colleague, Undersecretary of State John Bolton, who holds the nonproliferation portfolio. Both Feith and Bolton are strong supporters of President Bush's advocacy of "regime change" for rogue states and are considered to be among the most faithful advocates in the administration of his personal policy positions.

DoD civilians loyal to the president have complained for more than two years about Mellon, both while he was at the Pentagon and at his new perch in the Senate. Upon his return to the SSCI, bipartisan staff cooperation broke down almost completely. "The parties aren't talking to one another," according to a committee source. After the memo became public, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) ordered an end to cooperation with the Democrats on the Iraq investigations.

Mellon's public record doesn't indicate any hard-core partisan leanings, showing instead a bipartisanship as a sometime floater on the liberal Republican side. Federal Election Commission records show he donated $1,000 to the George H.W. Bush re-election campaign in 1993 and $1,000 to the Republican National Committee in 1992. In his first tour on the Senate intelligence committee, he served as an appointee of the late liberal Sen. John Chafee (R-R.I.) when George Tenet, a Democrat who now is director of the CIA, was committee staff director. Mellon then took the C3I post at the Pentagon when William Cohen, the liberal Republican senator from Maine, became secretary of defense for Clinton.

So what might have motivated Mellon to become involved in the memo scandal to politicize the intelligence committee against the current president? Mellon did not return Insight calls for comment.

Asked whether Mellon wrote the plan, Rockefeller's spokeswoman Wendy Morigi did not attempt to exonerate the staff director. "The senator has not stated who the author of that memo is," Morigi said, "and I don't think he intends to." She spoke with Rockefeller and then called Insight again to say Sen. Rockefeller would not comment.

In any case Rockefeller, a strong liberal who had enjoyed a reputation of bipartisanship on committee matters, surprised colleagues when he allowed the Democrats on the committee staff

to use the supersecret body as a political weapon. Sources with firsthand knowledge say that Rockefeller broke the committee's bipartisan custom of requesting information from government agencies over the signatures of the chairman, representing the majority party, and the vice chairman, representing the minority.

"Rockefeller sent out his own request for information - the first time a request to the administration for information was not signed by both the chairman and vice chairman of the committee," according to a source involved with the requests. The source says the requests were worded in ways designed to elicit specific answers of a sensitive nature. When the senior Pentagon and State Department officials answered the requests, Democrats on the intelligence committee "leaked it, though some of it was top secret," the source said without citing examples.

When the targeted officials caught on to the game, Senate Democrats led by Sen. Carl Levin (D-Mich.), a scrappy SSCI member, denounced them for failure to provide Democrat senators with information about the war. They publicly acted outraged at what they alleged was a certain deception and demanded even more information, telling the press that top Bush officials were forcing the CIA and other intelligence agencies to skew intelligence analysis to fit a preconceived conclusion.

Some Democrats see through this political warfare and are troubled by it. Keeping the SSCI and its House counterpart nonpartisan, wrote former senator Robert Kerrey (D-Neb.) in the New York Post in the midst of the memo controversy, "is vital for the nation's security because much of what is done to collect, process and disseminate intelligence needed by civilian and military leaders is done under conditions of rigorously regulated secrecy." Kerrey is a former vice chairman of the committee.

"Of all the committees, this is the one single committee that should unquestionably be above partisan politics," said an angry Sen. Zell Miller (D-Ga.). "The information it deals with should never, never be distorted, compromised or politicized in any shape, form or fashion. For it involves the lives of our soldiers and our citizens. Its actions should always be above reproach; its words never politicized."

Rockefeller defended his staff and the outrageous document itself, calling it a "private memo that nobody saw except me and the staff people that wrote it for me." He rebuffed calls from Frist, Miller and others that the staffers responsible be exposed, let alone fired, and instead accused Republicans of stealing the document from his aides' computers. "Mr. Rockefeller refuses to denounce the memo, which he says was unauthorized and written by staffers. If that's the case, at the very least some heads ought to roll," declared the Wall Street Journal in an editorial. Firing Mellon as the staff director for the culprits, the Journal said, would be "a good place to start."

Miller went even further: "I have often said that the process in Washington is so politicized and polarized that it can't even be put aside when we're at war. Never has that been proved more true than the highly partisan and perhaps treasonous memo prepared for the Democrats on the intelligence committee."

The Georgia Democrat measured his words, continuing: "If what has happened here is not treason, it is its first cousin. The ones responsible - be they staff or elected or both - should be dealt with quickly and severely, sending a lesson to all that this kind of action will not be tolerated, ignored or excused."

Chairman Roberts sees a danger to the nation through such politics: "If we give in to the temptation to exploit our good offices for political gain, we cannot expect our intelligence professionals to entrust us with our nation's most sensitive information. You can be sure that foreign intelligence services will stop cooperating with our intelligence agencies the first time they see their secrets appear in our media."

Kerrey, once a shining star among Senate Democrats, wrote, "The production of a memo by an employee of a Democratic member of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence is an example of the destructive side of partisan politics. That it probably emerged as a consequence of an increasingly partisan environment in Washington and may have been provoked by equally destructive Republican acts is neither a comfort nor a defensible rationalization."

Senate Majority Leader Frist called for the culprits to come forward and apologize, angrily announcing he would suspend cooperation on the Iraq investigation. That wasn't enough for Sen. Miller, who demanded, "Heads should roll!"

J. Michael Waller is a senior writer for Insight magazine.



Posted by maximpost at 11:55 PM EST

>> CENTRISTS...


The Vanishing Center
In both political parties, the defense of moderation is no virtue.
Monday, March 15, 2004 12:01 a.m. EST
Both major political parties are increasingly squeezing out moderates, in part because the country is so polarized, and also because each party's primary electorate is becoming smaller and more ideological. Ask John McCain, who was flattened in the 2000 Republican primaries, or Joe Lieberman, whose campaign this year for the Democratic nomination went nowhere.
Interest groups are making it clear they will punish renegade officeholders if they stray too far from party orthodoxy. In primaries in Texas and California this month, liberals flexed their muscle and defeated several Democrats who had shown an ability to work with Republicans. Next month, liberal Sen. Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, a liberal Republican, will face what appears to be an increasingly formidable primary challenge from Rep. Pat Toomey, who has the support of antitax advocates and social conservatives.
In California, Ted Lempert, a former state assemblyman, lost the Democratic race for a vacant state Senate seat south of San Francisco. The winner, Assemblyman Joe Samilian, had the backing of unions representing prison guards and teachers. Mr. Lempert had expressed skepticism about generous union contracts, and once worked for a group that promoted charter schools.
Ideological enforcers were even more in evidence in Texas, where trial lawyers are furious at the role some Democratic state legislators played in putting Proposition 12, which capped medical malpractice damages, on the ballot last year. The measure won, 51% to 49%, and one member of the Texas Trial Lawyers Association told me his group's members planned to punish any legislator who embraced further tort reform. That effectively means Democrats, because their effort to defeat state Rep. Joe Nixon in a GOP primary failed by a 3-to-1 margin.
But liberals had more success in last week's Democratic primaries. Five Democrats who stood accused of playing footsie with Republican House Speaker Tom Craddick on various issues were either defeated or forced into runoffs. State Rep. Roberto Gutierrez was forced into a runoff for backing tort reform.
The most prominent scalp was that of state Rep. Ron Wilson of Houston, a 26-year-incumbent and chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, who lost outright. Liberals had other grievances against him stemming from his refusal to join fellow Democrats in abandoning the House floor and fleeing to Oklahoma last year in an unsuccessful attempt to block a new GOP congressional gerrymander. Rep. Glenn Lewis, a Fort Worth Democrat who also declined to go to Oklahoma, lost to Marc Veasey, a former aide to U.S. Rep. Martin Frost. Mr. Frost, in turn, is one of the Democrats most vulnerable in November owing to the GOP redistricting plan.
Some of the defeated Democrats were bitter. "I still don't think it was a good idea for Democrats who are in the minority [in the Legislature] to say we reject bipartisanship," Mr. Lewis says. "It's the only way Democrats are going to get anything."
Mr. Wilson, who is black, was even more blunt. "Because I didn't do what the white, liberal, extremist Democratic leaders wanted me to do, they're trying to punish me," he told the Houston Chronicle. "They think they ought to control the minds and hearts of every black in the Democratic Party, and if you don't do what they say, they're going to try to drag you back to the plantation like a runaway slave."
Democratic consultant Marc Campos agrees that minority legislators are held to a tougher standard of party orthodoxy than whites. He notes that former Democratic House Speaker Pete Laney backed George W. Bush for president in 2000. "Nobody punished him, nobody said anything, so it's selective and, in my opinion, it's also racist," Mr. Campos told the Houston Chronicle. "The master wants you to act a certain way, and they particularly want minorities to do it."
Republicans have their own tensions over party orthodoxy. Some moderates describe themselves as a beleaguered minority within their own party. "I don't think conservatives fully appreciate they wouldn't control the House or Senate without moderates from the Northeast," says Rep. Chris Shays of Connecticut. Conservatives say they understand electoral realities and point out that they've backed primary challengers to only two House moderates--Wayne Gilchrest of Maryland and Marge Roukema of New Jersey--both of whom held safe GOP seats. Mr. Gilchrest fended off conservative challengers by 3-to-2 margins in both 2002 and 2004. Ms. Roukema narrowly defeated conservative Scott Garrett in 1998 and 2000 and did not seek re-election in 2002.
Stephen Moore, who heads the free-market Club for Growth, says even in defeat conservative primary challenges can make a difference: "Gilchrest voted for the Bush tax cut last year knowing he'd be called to account for his stand, and Roukema gave up and retired in 2002 and was easily replaced by Scott Garrett."
Rep. Toomey's April 27 challenge to Sen. Specter, a 24-year-incumbent, is more controversial because Al Gore carried Pennsylvania in 2000. Republican backers of Mr. Specter, such as the conservative Sen. Rick Santorum, say that Mr. Toomey would find it difficult to replicate Mr. Specter's support in the vote-rich Philadelphia suburbs. Toomey backers, on the other hand, argue that the liberal voting record of Rep. Joe Hoeffel, the likely Democratic candidate, gives their man a real shot at winning in the fall. "Toomey is no more conservative than Rick Santorum, and Hoeffel is a dyed-in-the-wool liberal who just voted against a bill to protect children in the womb in murder cases like that of Laci Peterson," says one Republican state legislator.
The White House is backing Mr. Specter, following both a tradition of supporting Senate incumbents and in recognition that Mr. Specter, who is in line to chair the Judiciary Committee, has recently provided help on several of President Bush's judicial nominees. But all of that support plus a $9 million bank account hasn't allowed Mr. Specter to put the race away. Recent polls show Mr. Specter hovering at or below the critical 50% support level that denotes an endangered incumbent, and the Club for Growth has run ads highlighting how many times he has voted with John Kerry, who the Club notes was ranked last month in the National Journal's vote index as the most liberal senator.
Mr. Moore says his group seldom enters GOP primaries and then only when the incumbent violates basic Republican tenets. "Low taxes are the central linchpin of conservatism," he says. "It's possible to disagree about abortion, gay rights or the proper level of military spending, but we can't disagree about our one unifying message as conservatives."
Grover Norquist, head of Americans for Tax Reform, concurs. He notes that since President Bush's defeat in 1992, in part because he abandoned his no-new-taxes pledge, the national GOP has seen opposition to higher taxes as an easy way to brand itself with voters. Since 1990 no Republican congressman has voted to increase federal taxes.
As an incumbent, Mr. Specter remains favored to win next month, but he's clearly worried. Having taken heat for opposing President Bush's first tax cut in 2001, he switched and embraced the even more ambitious 2003 tax cut. But his record is still liberal enough to attract the ire of many conservative groups.
With Congress so evenly divided, the pressure on individual officeholders to back their party's prevailing positions on issues has become more intense. With party primaries increasingly featuring low turnout that is dominated by ideological voters--as this year's Democratic presidential contests were--you can expect more primary challenges against dissenters in the future.
The argument against such primary challenges is that moderate voters in general elections don't want candidates who deviate too much from the mainstream. But that calculation doesn't matter as much anymore, as more and more districts are gerrymandered to eliminate competitive elections. Even in competitive seats, if both parties nominate ideologues, voters who are neither conservative nor liberal may not have much choice but to go either right or left, since the middle is fast disappearing.
http://www.opinionjournal.com/diary/?id=110004821
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McCain-Feingold's Revenge
Enter the anti-Bush ads.

By Patrick Basham
Remember the old adage about not wishing too hard for something because you might get it? Today, the adage is relevant to both Republican political strategists and campaign-finance-regulation proponents. For very different reasons, both are incensed over the use of large, unregulated political donations ("soft money") from wealthy liberals to fund anti-Bush advertising and voter-registration campaigns.
Two years ago, Republicans accepted a ban on soft money as part of the most restrictive campaign-finance legislation in a generation. The soft-money spigot, turned wide open by the Clinton White House and the Democratic National Committee, once kept the Democratic party financially competitive with Republicans. Clinton strategist Dick Morris, backed by all that soft money, choreographed the political carpet-bombing, through extensive advertising, of President Clinton's Republican opponents before the 1996 election.
The Republican party, by contrast, received most of its cash from lots of small, individual donations, the only kind permitted under the new regulations. Therefore, the soft-money ban was viewed as clearly advantageous to the Republicans, especially in presidential election seasons. That made it easy for the Bush White House to abandon principle and sign the campaign-finance legislation.
In the past, campaign-finance restrictions have generated unintended and unanticipated consequences. And the latest regulatory round is no exception to this rule.
So now, Bush's enormous financial advantage over his presumed Democratic challenger, Sen. John Kerry, during the crucial pre-convention period may be eroded by the tens of millions of dollars anti-Bush groups are starting to spend on ads airing in the most politically competitive states. Hence, the Bush reelection campaign's appeal to the Federal Election Commission to rein in the president's well-funded critics.
Proponents of campaign-finance regulations, led by Sen. John McCain (R., Ariz.), had promised that we'd see less costly, less-negative campaigns better managed by the two major parties. The restrictions on free speech pushed by McCain et al were intended to reduce the power of independent political groups and special interests and return it to the candidates and their parties.
However, now that McCain-style campaign-finance regulation is a reality, the millions that may be spent on unregulated anti-Bush advertising illustrates what the campaign-finance cure-all has in fact produced. The parties and the presidential candidates have lost control of their own campaigns as a result of the soft-money ban.
Who's in the driver's seat? Special-interest groups, corporations, and labor unions who have retained previously donated soft-money funds. Prior soft-money contributions from wealthy individuals are flowing to independent campaign organizations instead of their previous destination, the national parties.
These "527 committees," named after a section of the IRS code, are exempted from the new campaign-finance regulations, most importantly the soft-money ban.
Ironically, the channeling of donations and advertising through non-party organizations will increase the number of these groups and the proliferation of non-party micro-campaigns. A large number of these campaigns will perform a series of one-off advertising attacks in specific races. These hit-and-run operations will all occur completely outside the control, but not the purview, of individual campaigns and the national parties.
The unintended and unforeseen consequences of the latest constraints on political speech serve only to further the journey of American political campaigning down a path seemingly anathema to the stated desires of the leading campaign-finance regulators. Perhaps it is time to stop looking to regulations to save our political system?
-- Patrick Basham, senior fellow in the Center for Representative Democracy at the Cato Institute, is the author of "This Is Reform? Predicting the Impact of the New Campaign Financing Regulations."

http://www.nationalreview.com/comment/basham200403150905.asp
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Balancing the Budget Within 10 Years: A Menu of Options
by Brian M. Riedl
Backgrounder #1726

February 13, 2004 | |
President George W. Bush's fiscal year (FY) 2005 budget proposes cutting the budget deficit in half over five years. Yet lawmakers are under intense pressure to enact a budget resolution that balances the budget within the 2005-2014 period. This paper provides a menu of spending targets to accomplish that objective.
The Model
Before assessing the spending requirements of a balanced budget, it is necessary to calculate a revenue projection. Revenues are projected by beginning with the January 2004 Congressional Budget Office (CBO) baseline and then incorporating President Bush's FY 2005-2014 tax proposals, such as making the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts permanent, reforming the alternative minimum tax, and creating tax-free savings accounts.1
Two different revenue projections emerge:
The first is based on revenues using a dynamic score of the President's tax cuts. Dynamic scoring acknowledges that tax relief strengthens incentives to work, save, and invest, and that the resulting economic growth and tax revenues offset a portion of the original revenue loss.
The second is based on revenues using a static score of the President's tax cuts. Static scoring assumes that tax policy does not affect economic behavior or growth. While very few economists would agree with static assumptions, lawmakers require the CBO to use them when projecting future tax revenues. (See the Appendix for spending and tax calculations.)
Using the CBO 2004 baseline estimate of $896 billion in discretionary outlays and $1,242 billion in mandatory outlays, it is possible to calculate the effects of various annual spending growth rates--both discretionary and mandatory.2 Table 1 shows which rates of discretionary spending and mandatory spending would combine to balance the budget under dynamic scoring. Table 2 shows the results for balancing the budget under static scoring.
Results
Table 1 details the spending patterns that can balance the budget by 2014, assuming that tax revenues are scored dynamically. For example, a budget that expands discretionary spending by 3 percent annually and mandatory spending by 4 percent annually would achieve balance by 2014. Two observations are immediately evident:
Most scenarios to balance the budget by 2014 require annual spending growth of approximately 4 percent or less.
The CBO baseline shows mandatory spending growing by 6 percent annually over the next decade. Yet Table 1 shows no scenario to balance the budget by 2014 with 6 percent annual mandatory spending growth. This confirms that any plan to balance the budget must reform runaway entitlements, such as the 2003 Medicare drug bill and the 2002 farm bill. Furthermore, without reform, the growth rate of mandatory spending will accelerate in coming decades.
Lawmakers will likely seek a budget resolution that balances the budget by 2014 even when revenues are scored statically. Table 2 shows the spending options to achieve the objective. Most combinations require mandatory and discretionary spending to grow by 3 percent or less per year.
Difficult Decisions Required
By comparison, discretionary spending has averaged 10 percent annual growth and mandatory spending has averaged 7 percent annual growth over the past five years. (See Charts 1 and 2.)
Bringing spending growth all the way down from these high levels will require difficult decisions. However, recent spending hikes actually translate into more opportunities for savings. The 39 percent increase in discretionary spending since 2001 has left many agencies awash in cash, and they can afford to go for a few years without another major spending increase.
Mandatory spending is now at 11 percent of the gross domestic product ($11,144 per household) for the first time in American history.3 Many of these bloated programs can afford much-needed reforms. Lawmakers can begin to move toward a balanced budget by settling on a lean spending course and then reforming the budget process to lock in those spending ceilings.
--Brian M. Riedl is Grover M. Hermann Fellow in Federal Budgetary Affairs in the Thomas A. Roe Institute for Economic Policy Studies at The Heritage Foundation.
1. Reform of the alternative minimum tax is projected through 2014, even though the President's budget proposal includes an estimate of revenue only through 2006.
2. Net interest costs are also incorporated into the model. Rather than consciously selected by lawmakers, these spending levels are a residual based on the effects of each policy. See Appendix for net interest cost estimates.
3. See Brian M. Riedl, "$20,000 per Household: The Highest Level of Federal Spending Since World War II," Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 1710, December 3, 2003, at www.heritage.org/Research/Budget/BG1710.cfm.
? 1995 - 2004 The Heritage Foundation
All Rights Reserved.
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IRS Error Rate Still High


Written By: Daniel J. Pilla
Published In: Budget & Tax News
Publication Date: March 1, 2004
Publisher: The Heartland Institute
The January 2004 report of the Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration [TIGTA] confirms the IRS's error rate for advice it gives at its hundreds of walk-in Taxpayer Assistance Centers (TACs) remains unacceptably high.
The report reveals the IRS provided "flatly incorrect answers 20 percent of the time." In another 15 percent of the cases, the IRS provided a "correct" answer without first obtaining the background information necessary to provide a correct answer--a serious oversight when providing tax advice.
Know Your Facts and Rules?
A father might ask, for example, whether it's legal to claim his child as a dependent on his tax return. One might simply answer yes and be correct, but only in a very broad sense. Without knowing all the facts about that child, it is very possible the correct answer for that particular father is no. For example, in a situation where the parents are divorced and legal custody of the child rests with the mother, it is not allowable for the father to claim the child as a dependent unless the mother signs a written waiver granting the exemption to the father.
The problem here is that most citizens just don't know all the rules. Consequently, citizens don't know what information to provide to the IRS as background for their question, and they have no way to ascertain whether the IRS asked sufficient questions to obtain the necessary facts.
When this kind of incomplete advice is factored in, the total inaccuracy rate rises to a troubling 35 percent.
Do Your Own Research?
One equally troubling aspect of the report indicates that in about 3 percent of the cases, IRS employees essentially told Treasury investigators to "do their own research." Rather than helping to find the correct answer to the question, the IRS simply referred investigators to publications to find the answers for themselves. Considering the often convoluted and technical nature of IRS publications, this is not only unreasonable ... it's a violation of the directives under which TAC employees are supposed to operate. Their job, after all, is to answer the questions posed by confused taxpayers, not send them off on a quest for answers potentially buried in thousands of pages of publications.
It is important to note the questions asked by Treasury investigators were not esoteric tax law inquiries. All the questions pointed at narrow, relatively simple areas of law that TAC employees are trained in and expected to know. Given this, it is reasonable to expect and demand that TAC employees get it right--period. TAC employees are not being trained adequately.
This brings up another disturbing aspect of the investigation. When TAC employees are asked a question that is outside the scope of their training, they are required by operating guidelines to refer the questions to other, more qualified, IRS personnel. However, in 31 percent of the cases, TAC employees answered questions outside the scope of their training, in violation of the regulations. So at a time when TAC employees cannot provide error-free answers to questions in areas they are trained in, they are taking stabs at answering questions in areas they are not trained in. We can only guess what the error rate is for those answers.
Will the Problem Get Worse?
The National Taxpayer Advocate's (NTA) 2003 Annual Report to Congress, released in January 2004, suggests we can expect this problem to get worse. The Taxpayer Advocate reports the IRS is "reducing the resources dedicated to providing taxpayer assistance, while at the same time, beefing up its enforcement arsenal." The result, according to the NTA, is "a declining trend in providing services" to those in need and an "increase in taxpayer burden."
Why can't the IRS get it right, even in relatively simple areas of the law? The answer is provided by former Commissioner Charles O. Rossotti, in a statement addressing the reason for the error rate in the IRS's telephone assistance function.
Said Rossotti, "Fundamentally, we are attempting the impossible. We are expecting employees and our managers to be trained in areas that are far too broad to ever succeed, and our manuals and training courses are, therefore, unmanageable in scope and complexity."
Daniel J. Pilla is a nationally known tax litigation specialist and executive director of the Tax Freedom Institute. He has written eleven books on taxpayers' rights issues and IRS defense strategies.



For more information ...

Visit Dan Pilla's Web site at http://www.taxhelponline.com.

Posted by maximpost at 10:50 PM EST
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Europol et Interpol ?voquent une op?ration majeure d'Al-Qaida
LE MONDE | 12.03.04 | 12h39
Les autorit?s espagnoles privil?gient la responsabilit? de l'ETA. Mais Interpol et Europol tendent ? attribuer les attentats de Madrid aux r?seaux terroristes issus d'Al-Qaida. Depuis plusieurs mois, une action frappant l'Europe ?tait envisag?e
Les attentats de Madrid ont suscit? une ?vidente confusion dans les rangs des sp?cialistes de la lutte et de l'analyse antiterroristes. Certains ont imm?diatement embray? sur la th?se des autorit?s espagnoles. Ils estiment que l'?volution r?cente de l'ETA, avec l'entr?e en sc?ne d'une jeune g?n?ration d'activistes form?s ? la gu?rilla urbaine et peu politis?s, exil?s pour la plupart en France o? leur nombre est estim?, sans grande pr?cision, ? "quelques centaines" selon une source madril?ne, rendait plausible l'hypoth?se d'attentats comme ceux commis jeudi 11 mars.
Richard Evans, un sp?cialiste britannique, estime, par exemple, que l'action de Madrid est "dans les cordes" de l'organisation s?paratiste basque et que, malgr? la pression des autorit?s polici?res, des cellules d'ETA restaient capables de monter une attaque de grande ampleur. Il avance pour preuve les r?cents mouvements d'importantes quantit?s d'explosifs qu'auraient organis?s des terroristes basques. Une ETA radicalis?e se pr?parait, rappelle-t-il, ? agir de mani?re spectaculaire avant les ?lections du 14 mars.
Cette analyse est en contradiction avec l'avis d'autres sp?cialistes, selon lesquels l'organisation basque est trop affaiblie pour d?velopper un sc?nario aussi complexe que celui de jeudi matin.
Dans un deuxi?me temps, d'autres sources, am?ricaines notamment, affirment que la m?thode utilis?e ? Madrid s'apparente aussi bien aux techniques du terrorisme islamiste radical qu'? celles de l'ETA, qui s'en ?tait d?j? pris ? des trains et des touristes. Richard Noble, le patron (am?ricain) d'Interpol, semble, notamment, avoir fait sienne cette th?se.
R?SULTATS D'EXPERTISES
Jurgen Storbeck, le patron d'Europol, l'office de liaison polici?re de l'Union europ?enne, a ?t?, d?s jeudi, le premier ? ?mettre quelques doutes ? propos de la piste basque, soulignant que l'analyse du gouvernement espagnol ne pouvait exclure la piste arabe, compte tenu de l'ampleur exceptionnelle de l'attentat dans les gares madril?nes.
Contact? jeudi soir, juste apr?s la revendication d'Al-Qaida parvenue au journal bas? ? Londres Al-Qods Al-Arabi, un autre membre d'Europol ?tait sur la m?me ligne. "Il faudra attendre le r?sultat d'expertises plus pouss?es mais, d?s le d?but, la piste d'Al-Qaida m'a sembl? s'imposer. Ceci dit, la fermet? de certains responsables espagnols ? d?signer l'ETA a pu troubler certaines analyses et doit nous rendre prudents", affirmait ce sp?cialiste de l'organisme europ?en.
Outre le texte de revendication, une s?rie d'?l?ments plaident contre la th?se de l'attentat basque, estime l'Esisc, un centre d'?tudes strat?giques bas? ? Bruxelles. L'ETA pr?vient g?n?ralement les autorit?s avant les explosions, revendique rapidement ses actions, s'en prend presque essentiellement ? des repr?sentants de l'autorit? et/ou ? des lieux symboliques (casernes, b?timents administratifs). Jusqu'ici, l'ETA n'a, par ailleurs, pas pratiqu? le "ciblage multiple", comme celui qui a d?vast? les trains de Madrid.
Cette technique est, en revanche, une sorte de marque de fabrique pour la n?buleuse Al-Qaida, qui l'a utilis?e ? de nombreuses reprises au cours d'actions qui lui ont ?t? attribu?es avec une quasi-certitude : aux Etats-Unis le 11 septembre 2001, bien s?r, mais aussi au Kenya et en Tanzanie (actions contre les ambassades am?ricaines en ao?t 1998), ? Riyad (35 morts dans un triple attentat en mai 2003), ? Casablanca (33 morts dans une s?rie d'attentats en mai 2003) et ? Istanbul (63 morts apr?s deux doubles attentats en novembre), ainsi sans doute qu'en Irak o?, il faut le relever, l'Espagne a, par ailleurs, d?j? ?t? vis?e, avec une embuscade tendue ? plusieurs membres des services sp?ciaux.
"Si la piste d'Al-Qaida se confirme ? Madrid, nous pourrons affirmer que nos diagnostics quant ? l'?tat de la menace en Europe, ? la fin de l'ann?e derni?re, ?taient en partie faux. Mais uniquement parce que nous pensions en fait qu'une action de grande envergure interviendrait plus t?t", affirme ce sp?cialiste d'Europol contact? par Le Monde.

Jean-Pierre Stroobants

* ARTICLE PARU DANS L'EDITION DU 13.03.04
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AL-QAIDA IN SPANIEN

Osamas neue Kriegserkl?rung

Von Matthias Gebauer
Die m?gliche Verwicklung islamistischer Fanatiker in die Anschl?ge von Madrid d?rfte die spanischen Beh?rden kaum ?berraschen. Seit den Attentaten vom 11. September wissen Terrorfahnder, dass Bin Ladens K?mpfer in Spanien eine wichtige Basis haben. Nun haben sie ihren einstigen R?ckzugsraum zum Ziel verheerender Angriffe erkoren.
DPA
Terrorf?rst Bin Laden: Drohung an Spanien und alle L?nder, die sich am Irak-Krieg beteiligen
Berlin - Video- oder Audiotapes geh?ren seit dem 11. September zur medialen Strategie der Terroristen. Immer wieder melden sie sich mit martialischen Botschaften, nehmen neue Ziele ins Visier. Dabei l?sst sich die Echtheit der B?nder selten wirklich nachpr?fen. Im Oktober vergangenen Jahres lie? ein solches Tape die Beh?rden in Europa und Amerika aufhorchen. Per Tonband meldete sich da ein angeblicher Sprecher der al-Qaida und gab den neuen Kurs der Terroristen aus - eine Generalattacke auf die westliche Welt.
Statt wie in der Vergangenheit fast ausschlie?lich nur der ?berm?chtigen USA Verderben anzuk?ndigen, drohte die Stimme nun auch L?ndern, "die sich an diesem ungerechten Krieg beteiligt haben". Gemeint war der Irak-Krieg, doch um alle Zweifel auszur?umen, nannte der Terror-Prophet auch L?nder wie Spanien oder Australien, die sich aktiv an dem Feldzug des US-Pr?sidenten George W. Bush beteiligt hatten. Die deutschen Geheimdienstler sprachen von einer neuen Qualit?t der Bedrohung.
Heute wirkt die Drohung vom Oktober wie eine Ank?ndigung des blutigen Donnerstags in Madrid. 911 Tage nach dem 11. September 2001 - und damit passend in die teuflische Zahlenlogik der Terroristen - weisen immer mehr Indizien darauf hin, dass die Krieger des Terrorf?rsten Osama Bin Laden mitten in Europa zugeschlagen haben. Der Terror der Gotteskrieger kommt pl?tzlich ganz nah heran an L?nder, in denen sich die Menschen bisher sicher f?hlten.
"Zweites Standbein der Qaida in Europa"
Sp?testen seit die Ermittler am Samstag drei Marokkaner und zwei Inder festnahmen vermutet auch die spanische Regierung islamistische Terroristen hinter den Bombenattacken, die am Donnerstag 200 Menschen in den Tod rissen und 1500 verletzten. Ob und wie die in Madrid festgesetzten M?nner mit den Attentaten zu tun hatten, ist noch offen.
Einer der verhafteten Marokkaner stand offenbar in seinem Heimatland schon l?nger unter Terrorverdacht. Der 30-j?hrige Jamal Zougam war nach Angaben eines Regierungsbeamten in Rabat einer von mehreren tausend Marokkanern, die seit dem Bombenanschlag in Casablanca im Mai vergangenen Jahres unter besonderer Beobachtung der Beh?rden standen.
Bei den Selbstmordanschl?gen auf j?dische Ziele und ein spanisches Restaurant in Casablanca kamen im Mai vergangenen Jahres 45 Menschen ums Leben, unter ihnen zw?lf T?ter. Die Beh?rden machten daf?r eine islamistische Organisation namens Salafia Jihadia verantwortlich, die zum Terrornetzwerk al-Qaida geh?ren soll.
Nach einem Bericht der spanischen Tageszeitung "El Pais" sollen die verhafteten Marokkaner Verbindungen zu "Abu Dahdah" unterhalten haben, dem inhaftierten mutma?lichen F?hrer einer al-Qaida-Zelle in Spanien.
Den Festgenommenen wird vorgeworfen, an der Beschaffung der f?r die Anschl?ge benutzten Mobiltelefone beteiligt gewesen zu sein. Die Verd?chtigen k?nnten also auch nur als gew?hnliche Kriminelle eine Rolle gespielt haben.
EFE / AP
Angeklagter "Abu Dahdah": "Den Kopf abgeschlagen"
Die baskische Untergrundgruppe der Eta war bisher die einzige in Spanien aktive Terror-Organisation, dennoch waren die Umtriebe der al-Qaida in Spanien ?rtlichen Ermittlern bestens bekannt. Seit der Rekonstruktion der Planung des 11. September wissen die Ermittler, dass die al-Qaida neben Deutschland ihr "zweites Standbein" auf der iberischen Halbinsel hatte. So wurden damals die Todesflieger aus Spanien mit P?ssen und Geld versorgt.
Haftbefehl gegen Osama pers?nlich
Nach dem 11. September gingen die spanischen Beh?rden mit aller H?rte gegen Bin Ladens Anh?nger vor und brachten erst im letzten Jahr etliche Qaida-Mitglieder vor Gericht. Das Innenministerium meldete nicht ohne Stolz neue Festnahmen von vermeintlichen Zellen und Einzelpersonen aus dem Umfeld des Terrornetzwerks. M?glich erscheint daher auch, dass die Anschl?ge von Madrid eine Reaktion auf das harte Vorgehen der Justiz - allen voran des umtriebigen Richters Baltazar Garz?n - waren.
Der Ermittlungsrichter mit einer Vorliebe f?r spektakul?re Aktionen hatte sogar f?r Osama Bin Laden h?chstpers?nlich einen Haftbefehl ausgeschrieben und den Gotteskriegern so ?ffentlich den Kampf angesagt. Gegen Bin Laden und rund zehn weitere M?nner l?uft seitdem ein Verfahren wegen Mordes im Zusammenhang mit den Anschl?gen vom 11. September 2001. Daneben will Garzon noch 35 weitere M?nner wegen der Mitgliedschaft in einer islamistisch-terroristischen Vereinigung vor Gericht stellen.
Wie gut sich Spanien als Planungsraum der al-Qaida eignete, zeigen die Ermittlungen nach dem 11. September. Vor den Anschl?gen hatte es unter den Attent?tern zwei wichtige Treffen gegeben, eines davon in Kuala Lumpur, das zweite kurz vor den Attacken in Spanien. Im Sommer 2001 trafen sich der Terror-Pilot Mohammed Atta und sein Logistiker Ramzi Binalshibh in dem spanischen Ferienort Tarragona. Atta, der bereits in den USA die Todesfl?ge vorbereitete, kam per Linienflug aus Miami. Aus Hamburg flog Binalshibh am 9. Juli ein. Mittlerweile wissen die Fahnder aus den Aussagen des inhaftierten Binalshibh, dass bei diesem Treffen "die letzten Details" f?r den t?dlichen 9/11-Plan ausgeheckt wurden.
Als Binalshibh kurz vor dem 11. September seine Flucht nach Pakistan plante, fehlte dem jungen Mann noch ein g?ltiges Reisedokument. Deshalb flog er von Hamburg nach Madrid, wo ihn Glaubensbr?der mit einem gef?lschten Pass f?r seine Reise nach Karatschi ausstatteten. K?rzlich nahm die Polizei in Spanien mehrere Personen fest, die angeblich Binalshibh diesen Pass verschafft haben sollen.
Basis f?r die Todes-Piloten
DPA
Ermittlungsrichter Baltasar Garzon: Unnachgiebiger J?ger der Qaida
Dass sich die Todes-Piloten in Spanien trafen, war kein Zufall. Dort gab es damals ein Netzwerk aktiver Islamisten, das den M?nnern um Atta und Co. dienlich sein konnte. Spuren dieser Art f?hrten schon zuvor immer wieder auf die iberische Halbinsel. Ende des Jahres 2000 beispielsweise wurde in Frankfurt eine Terroristenzelle ausgehoben, die einen Anschlag in Stra?burg plante. Der mutma?liche Anf?hrer, Mohammed Bensakhria alias "Meliani", hatte Kontakte nach Spanien, wo er von Ermittlern schlie?lich auch festgenommen wurde.
Ebenfalls ausgehoben wurde auch eine Gruppe um den geb?rtigen Syrer Imad Eddin Barakat Jarkas, genannt "Abu Dahdah". Bis zu seiner Festnahme im Herbst 2001 galt "Abu Dhadah" als Chef des spanischen Ablegers der Qaida, er soll enge Verbindungen zu Bin Laden pers?nlich gehabt haben. Hauptindizien gegen "Abu Dahdah" sind die Anrufe eines Unbekannten mit dem Namen "Shakar", der vor und nach dem 11. September in Spanien anrief. "Shakar" teilte "Abu Dahdah" im August 2001 mit, er und Komplizen seien beim Flugtraining schon gut vorangekommen. Nach dem 11. September meldete sich "Shakar" erneut und berichtete, man habe "den Kopf abgeschlagen".
Spektakul?re Kampfansagen der Justiz
Auch die Nachforschungen in Hamburg brachten die Ermittler wieder zu "Abu Dahdah". So fanden sie im Adressbuch des Marokkaners Said Bahaji, der eng mit den Todes-Piloten verbandelt war, die Madrider Telefonnummer "Abu Dahdahs". Auch als sich im Jahr 1999 beinahe alle Beteiligten an dem 9/11-Plot zur Hochzeit von Bahaji in Deutschland trafen, reiste auch "Abu Dahdah" an die Elbe, um an dem Event in der al-Quds-Moschee im Hamburger Stadtteil St. Georg teilzunehmen.
FBI/ AFP/ DPA
Terror-Logistiker Binalshibh: Flucht ?ber Madrid
Auch ein weiterer Verd?chtiger der 9/11-Anschl?ge hatte nach Erkenntnissen der Ermittler Kontakte nach Spanien. Zwar k?nnen die Fahnder dem in Hamburg ans?ssigen Gesch?ftsmann Mamoun Darkazanli strafrechtlich nichts nachweisen, doch sind sie von seiner Verflechtung in dem Umkreise der Piloten ?berzeugt. Darkazanli wiederum spielte bei diversen Geld?berweisungen eine Rolle, die letztlich ?ber mehrere Umwege und L?nder zu den Todes-Piloten flossen. Erst im Herbst letzten Jahres verhaftete die Polizei in diesem Zusammenhang mehrere M?nner in Spanien, die nun angeklagt werden sollen.
Nicht weniger gef?hrlich sind auch islamistische Zellen, die in Spanien operieren. So nahm die Polizei im Jahr 2002 den Anf?hrer einer Zelle fest, die mehr als 30 Mitglieder hatte. Anf?hrer Abdullah Khataya soll laut Ermittlungen islamistische K?mpfer, die von Bosnien nach Afghanistan oder Tschetschenien zogen, in konspirativ gemieteten Wohnungen aufgenommen haben. Zudem verschaffte er den Reisegruppen in Sachen Heiliger Krieg die Reisekasse und gef?lschte Dokumente und bereitete sie auf die neuen Aufgaben in den verschiedenen Kampfzonen vor. Immer wieder h?ren die Ermittler solche Geschichten, die Spanien als Durchreiseland f?r die globalisierten Bin Laden-Krieger ausweisen.
Fast jede Woche Festnahmen
Fast jede Woche melden die Beh?rden neue Festnahmen und Sprengstofffunde - ein deutliches Zeichen sowohl f?r die Aktivit?ten der al-Qaida als auch der spanischen Beh?rden. Meist sind die Festgenommenen nur Kuriere oder Mittelsm?nner der Zellen, doch allein die Anzahl l?sst auf ein dichtes Netz von Sympathisanten in Spanien schlie?en. Ermittler vermuten zudem, dass die in Nordafrika aktiven Salafisten immer h?ufiger Mitglieder nach Spanien schleusen, um dort aktiv zu werden. Die Festnahme der Marokkaner nach den Anschl?gen in Madrid k?nnte in dieses Bild passen.
Neben den beiden deutschen Verfahren gegen mutma?liche Helfer der Qaida bei den Pl?nen f?r den 11. September ist Spanien das einzige Land, das den Kampf gegen den Terror in die Gerichtss?le gebracht hat. Indes ist kaum anzunehmen, dass die Verd?chtigen wie in Hamburg am Ende als freie M?nner aus den Verfahren hervor gehen. Vor dem Hintergrund dieses harten Vorgehens gegen Bin Ladens Anh?nger und der US-freundlichen Haltung von Premier Aznar im Irak-Konflikt halten es Sicherheitsexperten f?r plausibel, dass Qaida-Terroristen ihren einst so angenehmen Ruheraum Spanien nun zum Ziel ihrer t?dlichen Attacken erkoren haben. Der Anschlag in Madrid k?nnte daf?r der blutige Startschuss gewesen sein.

Posted by maximpost at 12:35 PM EST
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Sunday, 14 March 2004



From Salem to Pakistan, an atomic smuggler's plot
By Farah Stockman and
Victoria Burnett, Globe Staff and Globe Correspondent, 3/14/2004
SALEM -- It looked like any other package when a mail truck carried it away from the four-story office park at 35 Congress St., along with packages from other businesses near Pickering Wharf, like the Palmer's Cove Yacht Club and the Harbor Sweets candy store.
But the contents of this particular parcel, mailed in September 2003, were so alarming that US special agents secretly tracked its journey from Salem to an office in Secaucus, N.J., on to a warehouse in South Africa, then to an air cargo shed in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, and to its final destination: a military supplier in Islamabad, Pakistan.
Inside the box were 66 high-speed electrical switches called triggered spark gaps, each the shape of a spool of thread and the size of a soda can. In small numbers, they are used in hospitals to break up kidney stones. In large numbers, they can detonate a nuclear weapon.
The story of how a box at the North Shore office of PerkinElmer Inc., one of about a dozen firms in the world that produce the switches, ended up in the hands of a supplier for the Pakistani army, provides a rare glimpse into the underworld of nuclear smuggling.
In many respects, it is a victory in the in-the-trenches battle to prevent terrorists from obtaining nuclear weapons. Tipped off by suspicious PerkinElmer employees and an anonymous source abroad, US officials arranged for the box's dangerous contents to be disabled before it was shipped, tracked the package, and arrested the alleged nuclear supplier, Israeli businessman Asher Karni.
Karni was arrested on Jan. 1 in Colorado as he flew into the United States for a ski vacation. He was charged in federal court in Washington, D.C., with violating US export laws.
But the case is also a disturbing reminder of how rare it is for a nuclear smuggler to be prosecuted. Karni seems to be the only person facing trial for selling nuclear components to a middleman in Pakistan, which is at the center of a massive international investigation into dozens of companies involved in nuclear black-market trading.
Selling dual-use technology like the switches to certain foreign companies is still legal, but it can be hard to keep the technology from falling into the wrong hands once it goes overseas, according to Ivan Oelrich of the Federation of American Scientists, a nonprofit research group that tracks arms-control issues.
Manufacturers are required by law to scrutinize their customers, flag suspicious orders, and keep track of an ever-growing list of blacklisted companies. Despite heavy fines for noncompliance, security specialists acknowledge that companies cannot catch every problem order.
"You try to catch enough of it so that you deter people," said Gary Milhollin, director of the Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control, who said two or three people each year are caught trying to smuggle items that can be used for nuclear weapons. "It's like street crime. . . . It's just a continuing battle."
Another problem is that nuclear export controls are essentially gentleman's agreements that lack the legal force of treaties and do not reach several countries that are nuclear suppliers, said David Albright, a former weapons inspector at the Institute for Science and International Security in Washington. "It's a huge problem and not much is being done," he said. "When it comes to giving penalties, they are often just very minor."
Into dangerous hands The case of the switches -- a crucial and hard-to-get ingredient for a modern nuclear weapon -- is even more disturbing because they were bound for Pakistan, a hub for nuclear smuggling to rogue nations around the world.
In January, Abdul Qadeer Khan, who helped developed Pakistan's nuclear bomb, confessed to selling nuclear technology to Iran, Libya, and North Korea. That black market will be a key issue for Secretary of State Colin L. Powell when he travels to Pakistan this week. Despite a probe of Khan's activities that uncovered dozens of middlemen and businesses around the world, few have been punished.
Karni, the 50-year-old Israeli salesman who allegedly ordered the switches from Salem, was an expert at circumventing US export controls, US prosecutors say. His South African company, Top-Cape Technology, often served as a middleman for foreign clients who were banned from buying directly from US firms, according to documents filed in his criminal case.
Karni wrote often by e-mail about how to bypass export license requirements, even lamenting the loss of business when restrictions on the sale of sensitive technology to India and Pakistan were loosened in 2001, according to e-mails submitted as exhibits in his case.
"I have not heard from you in a long time," Karni wrote to a man who procures items for India's Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre. "I guess now that the sanctions are off, you are probably going directly to the manufacturer, but I still think there must be many other opportunities [in] which we can book some orders together."
In summer 2003, Karni was contacted by Humayun Khan, a Pakistani businessman who counts the Pakistani military among his clients.
Humayun Khan, who is no known relation to Abdul Qadeer Khan, allegedly asked Karni to provide 200 triggered spark gaps -- enough, specialists say, to detonate three to 10 nuclear bombs.
Karni called companies in Europe, including PerkinElmer's sales agent in France, asking for the items, but was rebuffed, court records said. He wrote back that the sale was not possible because an export license was required.
But Humayun Khan begged him to try again. "I know it is difficult, but that's why we came to know each other," he wrote. "Please help negotiate with any other source."
Eyebrows raised in Salem So Karni approached Zeki Bilmen, of Giza Technologies Inc., a company based in New Jersey that does not face the same purchasing restrictions as a foreign firm. Karni asked Bilmen to buy the switches and ship them to South Africa, where Karni said they were needed at the Baragwanath Hospital in Soweto.
Bilmen agreed, even though specialists say a hospital would need six triggered spark gaps at most. Bilmen's lawyer, Robert Herbst, said Giza deals with thousands of products a year and did not know enough about this one to notice that the order was unusual.
In July 2003, Bilmen placed the order with PerkinElmer Optoelectronics, based in Salem, for 200 triggered spark gaps, model GP-20B, for $447 each.
But the order -- on the magnitude of a military request -- raised eyebrows in Salem, where PerkinElmer employs a specialist to monitor sales and make sure they comply with all regulations.
"It was such a huge quantity. A hospital buys one or two," said Daniel Sutherby, a PerkinElmer spokesman.
PerkinElmer contacted US officials, who told the company they already were tracking Karni's request, following an anonymous tip from South Africa, according to Sutherby.
Under the direction of special agents with the Department of Commerce, PerkinElmer moved to fill the order as though nothing was wrong. But before the first shipment of 66 switches was sent to New Jersey in September, PerkinElmer employees permanently disabled the devices.
US investigators tracked the package across three continents, until it arrived a month later at Khan's office in a run-down commercial complex in Islamabad. For the last leg of the journey, the package was labeled "scientific equipment" and addressed to "AJKMC Lithography Aid Society." No public record could be found in Pakistan of such an organization.
David Poole, a special agent with the US Department of Commerce, told the court he thinks AJKMC Lithography Aid Society is an organization that prints copies of the Koran. In other court documents, US investigators say "AJKMC" are the initials of the "All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference," a Pakistani opposition party that supports extremist fighters in Kashmir, a disputed terroritory between Pakistan and India.
Lack of punishment In a recent interview with the Globe, Humayun Khan said he had no idea why the package had been shipped to his street address or what AJKMC Lithography is. He also denied ever having seen the package and said he knew nothing about it.
He acknowledged that he had dealt with Karni on the attempted purchase of sensors to guide aircraft and wireless communications equipment, but denied buying the switches. He said the flurry of e-mails sent in his name had come from a rogue employee who has since disappeared. Khan said he has been put on a blacklist by the US Commerce Department and is no longer able to import goods from the United States, a restriction he called rash and unfair.
Karni was arrested Jan. 1 when he flew to the United States for a ski vacation with his family, and was released on bail into the supervision of a Maryland rabbi. His lawyer, Alyza Lewin, declined to comment on his case.
Others accused of involvement in underground nuclear sales to Pakistan have avoided harsh penalties.
Even Abdul Qadeer Khan, who confessed to helping three countries pursue a nuclear bomb, has been pardoned by Pakistan's president and allowed to keep the money he made from the deals.
Milhollin said the lack of punishment is outrageous because the wares that nuclear smugglers sell threaten the lives of far more people than the act of an ordinary criminal: "They are basically businessmen. They sit down and calculate their risks. If you raise the chances of conviction, they are going to alter their behavior."
Back at PerkinElmer in Salem, many feel their role in solving the case is just part of the business. "Employees talked about the incident around the water coolers for a day or so," Sutherby said. "But then everyone went back to their daily routines."
Victoria Burnett reported from Islamabad. Ross Kerber of the Globe staff contributed to this report. Farah Stockman can be reached at fstockman@globe.com.

? Copyright 2004 Globe Newspaper Company.
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U.S. Widens View of Pakistan Link to Korean Arms
By DAVID E. SANGER

WASHINGTON, March 13 -- A new classified intelligence report presented to the White House last week detailed for the first time the extent to which Pakistan's Khan Research Laboratories provided North Korea with all the equipment and technology it needed to produce uranium-based nuclear weapons, according to American and Asian officials who have been briefed on its conclusions.
The assessment, by the Central Intelligence Agency, confirms the Bush administration's fears about the accelerated nature of North Korea's secret uranium weapons program, which some intelligence officials believe could produce a weapon as early as sometime next year. The assessment is based in part on Pakistan's accounts of its interrogations of Abdul Qadeer Khan, the developer of Pakistan's bomb, who was pardoned by President Pervez Musharraf in January.
The report concluded that North Korea probably received a package very similar to the kind the Khan network sold to Libya for more than $60 million -- including nuclear fuel, centrifuges and one or more warhead designs.
A senior American official described it as "the complete package," from raw uranium hexafluoride to the centrifuges to enrich it into nuclear fuel, all of which could be more easily hidden from weapons inspectors than were North Korea's older facilities to produce plutonium bombs.
In the report, Mr. Khan's transactions with North Korea are traced to the early 1990's, when Benazir Bhutto was the Pakistani prime minister, and the clandestine relationship between the two countries is portrayed as rapidly accelerating between 1998 and 2002. At the time, North Korea was desperate to come up with an alternative way to build a nuclear bomb because its main plutonium facilities were "frozen" under an agreement struck with the Clinton administration in 1994. North Korea abandoned that agreement late in 2002.
But the new assessment leaves two critical issues unresolved as the Bush administration attempts to use a mix of incentives and threats to persuade North Korea to dismantle its nuclear program, so far with little success.
American intelligence agencies still cannot locate the site or sites of any North Korean uranium enrichment facilities, meaning that if the six-party negotiations over the North's nuclear program fail, it would be virtually impossible to try to attack the facilities, which can be hidden in tunnels or inside mountains, undetectable by spy satellites.
American intelligence has also been unable to forecast exactly when the new facilities would be able to produce enough uranium to make a nuclear weapon. It takes several thousand centrifuges to efficiently produce enough uranium to make a nuclear weapon, but North Korea may only be assembling a few hundred a year.
"The best guess is still in the next year or two, but it is a guess," said one senior United States official with access to the new intelligence report. "That does not leave much time to find this thing and shut it down."
China has told the Bush administration that it believes North Korea is much farther away from creating a uranium bomb, and Chinese officials have dismissed the American concerns with references to mistakes made by American intelligence agencies in assessing Iraq's nuclear program and Saddam Hussein's reputed program to produce biological and chemical weapons.
But North Korea is a very different case. It developed its plutonium program in plain view of American satellites; it is believed to already possess two or more nuclear weapons; and it has bragged about its efforts to produce more.
The C.I.A.'s conclusions about North Korea's uranium were presented to senior White House officials, including the national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, in a series of briefings on March 4 and 5. That followed an inconclusive second round of negotiations involving the United States, North Korea, China, Japan, South Korea and Russia that produced agreements to hold more meetings but no commitment by North Korea to dismantle its nuclear program.
It is unclear whether President Bush, who has been deeply involved setting the strategy concerning North Korea but rarely discusses the issue in public, has yet personally received the new assessment.
The assessment is based partly on interviews that Pakistani officials have held with Mr. Khan and his associates from the Khan Research Laboratories. But so far, American officials have had no direct access to the Pakistani scientist, who is regarded as a hero in his country.
"What we are getting is second-hand accounts, which means the Pakistanis may be editing it," said one senior American diplomat.
The United States, in turn, is declining to disclose some details of its new assessment to some of its closest allies, including Japan, which has asked Pakistan to give it a separate set of briefings about Mr. Khan's confession.
The unusual American reluctance to share its full intelligence findings has led several senior Asian officials, in interviews in recent weeks, to speculate that the assessment is particularly sensitive because the lengthy timeline of transfers it describes inevitably leads to the conclusion that the Pakistani military was a major partner with Mr. Khan.
The evidence suggests that North Korean scientists worked at the Khan Laboratories in the late 1990's, ostensibly on missile technology, and that several of the critical shipments to Pyongyang, the North Korean capital, took place on Pakistani military cargo planes.
According to two officials with access to the intelligence at the time, American spy satellites repeatedly took photographs of Pakistani cargo planes on the tarmac at an airfield in Pyongyang. At the time, many officials believed the cargo planes were picking up parts for North Korean missiles; it was unclear whether they were also unloading material intended for North Korea.
But even then, one of the officials said, "we suspected there was a quid pro quo, and there was a lot of speculation on the nuclear side. But there was no evidence."
The issue is particularly sensitive for Mr. Bush and Mr. Musharraf. Despite the mounting evidence, the White House has decided not to challenge Mr. Musharraf's contention that the Pakistani military was never involved in nuclear transfers to North Korea, and that he was never personally aware of them.
Although Mr. Bush has vowed to pursue and prosecute those who spread nuclear weapons technology, the administration did not criticize Mr. Musharraf when he decided to pardon Mr. Khan, who ran what now appears to be one of the largest nuclear proliferation networks in the past half-century.
Administration officials have conceded that their decision was rooted in pragmatism: Mr. Musharraf's assistance was critical in the search for Osama bin Laden and other leaders of Al Qaeda. Mr. Bush decided, they said, that the search for the Qaeda leader must take priority over pressing Pakistan to hand over Mr. Khan and even over investigating the role of the Pakistani military.
The classified report is largely a history of the Khan Laboratories' dealings with North Korea, a relationship that dates back to the early 1990's. Many of those early dealings concerned importing North Korean missile technology to Pakistan, which needed long-range missiles that could reach virtually all parts of India. That Pakistani goal has now been reached, partly because of North Korea's help.
The report also detailed how Mr. Khan, who was already selling nuclear components to Iran, converted the relationship to that of two-way trade. By the late 1990's, he was sending raw uranium hexafluoride to North Korea directly from the Khan laboratory. North Korea also obtained parts for manufacturing its centrifuges, intelligence officials said, from some of the same factories and middle-men that supplied Libya.



Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company
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INTRUDERS IN THE HOUSE OF SAUD, PART II
A Nation Unto Himself
By JENNIFER SENIOR

If, in the future, the war on terrorism is fought in the orderly confines of the courtroom and not just in the caves of Tora Bora, then incriminating documents could become the equivalent of smart bombs. Ronald L. Motley, who has made a career of coaxing such documents from the shadows, made this clear in our very first phone conversation, during which he could barely contain his delight. ''Have you heard of Mohammed Fakihi?'' he demanded, in a drawl rich enough to fill a doughnut. ''Investigated by the German police?''

Well, no --.

''That fella had a computer,'' he continued. ''And do you know what I did with that computer?''

He allowed a capacious pause.

''I'll tell you what I did,'' he said. ''I bought it.''

As a trial lawyer, Motley thinks of terrorism not just as a form of war, but as a business -- a depraved, ruthlessly efficient business, whose financiers must be exposed and held accountable for their role in sowing harm. In the case of Sept. 11, Motley, like many in the American intelligence community, concluded that the 19 hijackers would never have been able to carry out their plans without generous Saudi assistance. Nineteen months ago, he filed a civil lawsuit in federal court in Washington charging that a wide variety of parties from the kingdom sponsored the attacks, either directly or indirectly, by making donations to institutions that they knew fostered terrorism. Among the case's 205 defendants are seven Saudi charities, including the largest in the Muslim world; three Saudi financial institutions, including one that is now state-run; dozens of prominent Saudi individuals; and perhaps most audaciously, several members of the royal family, for whom Motley has a rich assortment of epithets. Though Motley is not the only tort lawyer in the United States to have filed an international lawsuit in connection with Sept. 11, his case is by far the largest and most lavishly financed of its kind: he has already spent more than $12 million, most of it his own money or his firm's, investigating the case. The families of 1,667 people who died that day, as well as 1,197 men and women who sustained injuries, have signed on.

With all due respect, I asked Motley, how did he, rather than the F.B.I. or the C.I.A, gain custody of Fakihi's computer?

''Well, think about it this way,'' he said. ''If you had information -- a computer hard drive, a Mullah Omar document or whatever your currency might be -- would you necessarily want to give it to the F.B.I.? Why, you might wind up in Guantanamo Bay. Which is not a pleasant place to be, I understand.''

Nor does it hurt, one imagines, that when it comes to procuring the hard drives of individuals with potentially valuable information, Motley is willing to pay a handsome fee. (Though in this case, the seller, who Motley said was on the lam, charged only $4,000, on the condition that Motley's people also take his car off his hands.)

Motley built a successful legal career by winning quixotic lawsuits -- first against asbestos companies, which made him an extravagantly wealthy man, and then as a central player in the huge, 46-state case against Big Tobacco, at a time when going after cigarette manufacturers was a demonstrable route to bankruptcy. But whatever risks he took in suing multibillion-dollar corporations pale in comparison to this terrorism case. In trying to use domestic courts to redress the problem of global terror, Motley is potentially subverting, or at least opening to redefinition, the very notion of diplomacy. He and his clients are effectively acting as their own nation. This is naturally worrisome to international-relations professionals, who wonder whether profit-seeking trial lawyers have the legitimacy, expertise or proper motivations to be making foreign policy. ''That's why we have a government,'' said Sean D. Murphy, who served as a State Department lawyer from 1987 to 1998. ''It's elected to make some of the hard calls about how to handle foreign countries.''

That may be so. The problem, as Motley sees it, is that sometimes governments are not in the position to make those hard calls, whether it be for political or for commercial reasons. So instead, they make easy ones. They resort to gentle persuasion, and their pleas fall on deaf ears. ''Since 1999,'' Motley said later, ''officials at the highest levels of our government have tried repeatedly to warn the Saudis about terrorism funding. And what did they do? They ignored them.''

He took another dramatic pause.

''Which is why our defendants,'' he concluded, ''ought to be held accountable in an American court.''


Unlike most of the litigation filed in the aftermath of Sept. 11, which involves a fairly traditional body of laws and assumes a predictable pattern (the victims' families suing the airlines suing the insurers), the sweeping antiterrorism case brought by Ron Motley relies on new and evolving legal terrain, and its key defendants live in a Muslim monarchy halfway around the world. The United States also happens to consider this monarchy an ally, no matter how imperfect it may be. While Motley is aiming at other foreign parties, too, and while he is not suing the kingdom of Saudi Arabia itself, he is making a rather provocative statement by going after the kingdom's prominent citizens, banks and even some of its leaders. The State Department, while not formally weighing in against the suit, is watching it warily: the last thing it desires is the transformation of the American legal system into a blunt instrument of foreign policy. Bankrupting terrorism is certainly a national priority, even an urgent one, but hardly the task the diplomatic corps wants to entrust to a man who once, during closing arguments, wore a toy stethoscope in court.

Motley insists, frequently and not always convincingly, that he doesn't mean to make a national nuisance of himself; he is simply trying to address a fundamental injustice. Why, in the context of terrorism, should the needs of the state be privileged above the rights of the victims? Or, put another way, why should the flesh-and-blood targets of terrorist attacks -- the deceased and the bereaved -- take a back seat to the less tangible target, the state?

''Going through the court system and trying to take their money is the only recourse I have,'' explained Deena Burnett, the first client to sign on to Motley's suit. Her husband, Thomas, was on United Airlines Flight 93, which crashed into the empty field in Shanksville, Pa. ''I can't join the military. It would be impractical for me to go abroad. But if I can put a stranglehold on their finances,'' she said, ''it assists our president in the war on terrorism.''

Whether George W. Bush is grateful for her assistance is another matter. As Motley, a generous donor to the Democratic Party, is fond of pointing out, the president's ties to the Saudi kingdom are personal as well as political: his father, George H.W. Bush, was until recently a senior adviser to the Carlyle Group, an investment firm that counted bin Laden family members among its investors until October 2001. James Baker, whom Bush recently sent abroad seeking help to reduce Iraq's debt, is still a senior counselor for the Carlyle Group, and Baker's Houston-based law firm, Baker Botts, is representing the Saudi defense minister in Motley's case.

Yet however committed a Democrat Motley might be, Burnett v. Al Baraka Investment and Development Corporation, as the case is known, could hardly be described as a partisan crusade. Allan Gerson, a Washington lawyer and Motley's co-counsel, worked in the Reagan Justice Department. Private legal actions against terrorist financiers also have the support of a number of prominent Congressional Republicans, who have shown dwindling patience with the Bush administration's gingerly approach to Saudi diplomacy. Senator Arlen Specter, the Pennsylvania Republican, strongly supports Motley's investigation. Charles Grassley, an Iowa Republican and chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, was one of the original proponents of the legislation Motley is relying on for his case. In December, Grassley sent a sternly worded letter to the Treasury Department, demanding to know why the United States was slower than Europe to freeze certain Saudi assets. Last July, Richard Shelby, an Alabama Republican and former chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, publicly chastened the administration for classifying 28 pages reportedly about the Saudis from a Congressional report on Sept. 11.

Recently, I asked Shelby if he was nervous that Burnett might complicate life for the president. His answer was blunt. ''If Ron Motley can help unravel the mystery of a lot of terrorist financing,'' he said, ''I don't care who the president of the United States is. Or where the trail leads.''

Assuming the answer is Saudi Arabia, what does that make Motley's case, exactly? A glorified, globalized tort suit? Or an example of a new wartime jurisprudence, one that fights terrorism with lawyers as well as guns and statesmen? The answer, in a sense, is both, and it could be the new way of the world. Those who take a dim view of Motley's work, dismissing it as nothing more than worldwide ambulance chasing, will be startled to learn that it is theoretically possible, in today's borderless society, to follow a screaming siren all the way to Riyadh. ''Telling U.S. courts not to evaluate international tort claims is like King Canute telling the tide not to come in,'' said Harold Hongju Koh, the international law expert and next dean of Yale Law School. ''I'm sorry, but the sun is coming up tomorrow, and it's called globalization.''


Last fall Motley stood at a podium of a hotel conference room in suburban Virginia, addressing a large gathering of families of airline-disaster victims. ''Let's pick on the Saudis for a moment,'' he said, grinning as the C-Span cameras rolled. He's regulation height, with a face that reddens easily and hair that's prone to feathering behind his ears. ''I loooove,'' he continued, ''to pick on the Saudis.''

Motley, 59, is usually a dervish of energy and restless tics. His eyes dart and his fingernails tip-tap; in conversation he regularly interrupts himself. But not here. As soon as he stands before a crowd, armed with a PowerPoint presentation and a linear legal argument, that energy field of mayhem disappears.

''I think,'' he said, ''that we should be very angry with the Saudis.''

In order to justify his latest legal undertaking, Motley must establish that the Arabian Peninsula is the fund-raising capital for merchants of terror. Though the allegation has always drawn adamant denials from the Saudis -- their Washington embassy refuses to comment on Motley's case -- it is not, from the intelligence-community point of view, a particularly controversial point. In the months after Sept. 11, Treasury and National Security officials appeared before Congress, declaring Saudi Arabia the epicenter of terrorism financing. (This, in fact, was the precise phrase used by David Aufhauser, a former general counsel to the Bush Treasury Department who was also chairman of the National Security Council's committee on terrorist financing.) Perhaps the most scathing declaration on the subject appeared in a report from the Council on Foreign Relations, issued 17 months ago: ''It is worth stating clearly and unambiguously what official U.S. government spokespersons have not. For years, individuals and charities based in Saudi Arabia have been the most important source of funds for Al Qaeda, and for years the Saudi officials have turned a blind eye to this problem.''

While Motley suggests that Saudi money occasionally takes a direct path into Al Qaeda's coffers -- generally via wealthy individual donors -- it more frequently takes a circuitous route, either through the clean-and-rinse cycle of quasi-legitimate businesses or, more commonly, through a highly complex web of Muslim charities, which receive a steady stream of alms from both individuals and Saudi banks. Some of the charities named in Motley's suit are already the subjects of federal criminal investigations. But others, like the Muslim World League, are highly esteemed in the Arab world.

''Here's how I would explain to a jury all this legal mumbo jumbo,'' Motley told the crowd in the hotel conference room. The graphic behind him changed to a cartoon of heaving smokestacks and tangled pipes. ''This,'' he said, ''is a terrorist factory. Let's call it Al Qaeda Inc. And those smokestacks are spewing out terror, hatred, jihad, suicide bombers. So who's liable if you've lost a loved one to Al Qaeda Inc.?'' He looked around. ''It's the bank that loaned the money. It's the architect who designed the factory, knowing it was going to be spewing out hatred. It's the suppliers who supplied the factory with ingredients to manufacture terrorist acts. They're all responsible, each and every one.'' He thumped the podium. ''That's the law of the United States.''

Congress has indeed passed several antiterrorism laws over the last dozen years. In 1992, it enacted a law that said terror victims could sue for civil damages; in 1994, it explicitly criminalized providing ''material support'' for terrorist activities, making sure the definition included not just money but also lodging, training, personnel, telecommunications equipment, false documents, safe houses, transportation -- as broad a range of terrorism services as the authors of the bill could identify. In 1996, Congress also made it possible to file civil suits against foreign governments identified by the State Department as sponsors of terrorism.

The problem with these statutes -- particularly those involving ''material support'' -- is that they are vague, largely untested and now being challenged partly on First Amendment grounds. For now, Motley is relying on just a handful of precedents to make his case, hoping they aren't overturned along the way. The most important emerged from the Seventh Circuit in the summer of 2002, when the appeals court refused to dismiss a case against several American-based institutions alleged to have contributed to the Palestinian militant group Hamas; the court declared that the institutions could, under certain circumstances, be held liable for the Hamas killing of an American student, David Boim, in the West Bank, even if the charities had nothing to do with the specific planning of the murder. ''Civil liability for funding a foreign terrorist organization,'' the opinion stated, ''does not offend the First Amendment so long as the plaintiffs are able to prove that the defendants knew about the organization's illegal activity, desired to help that activity succeed and engaged in some act of helping.'' The case, commonly known as Boim, is now in federal court in Chicago.

Of course, with a case involving 205 defendants, many of them armed with the finest legal representation that money can buy, Motley can expect a world's worth of obstacles before Burnett ever gets that far. There will be motions to dismiss, extensions, delays -- all manner of procedural jujitsu that will probably keep the case going for years. Perhaps the biggest procedural obstacle of all is the question of jurisdiction: unlike Boim, Motley's case goes mainly after parties abroad. While collectively they have substantial American assets, it's unclear whether American courts will feel comfortable asserting jurisdiction over them. ''The courts,'' Gerson said, ''have to become involved in dealing with the reality of foreign affairs.''

From behind the podium, Motley told the audience that he was about to run what he said was a surveillance video made in 1997 by the Madrid Qaeda cell. He warned it would be chilling. ''When we intervened with the Spanish prosecution of this case,'' he explained, ''the judge gave it to us.''

For Motley, Burnett is a case not ultimately about foreign policy but about facts, which means that proving his defendants knowingly provided material support to terrorists is his other significant legal challenge. For the last two years, he has bankrolled a worldwide intelligence-gathering operation that makes the discovery process, ordinarily marked by subpoenas and dry depositions, read like a Tom Clancy novel. One process server he hired, he told me, disappeared in Saudi Arabia. Motley himself has received death threats, prompting him to hire a 350-pound former Army sergeant, the same bodyguard who accompanied him during the tobacco years.

Around the globe, Motley has hired 10 foreign ''informants'' -- including a former Taliban official -- whom he insists on referring to by code names (Arnold, the Albanian, the Muslim, Top Source). He has also hired Jean-Charles Brisard, a French intelligence expert, to persuade foreign governments to cooperate with his suit. Brisard is the author of the European best seller ''Forbidden Truth,'' which posited that before Sept. 11 the Bush administration tried to coerce the Taliban into surrendering Osama bin Laden in exchange for a lucrative oil pipeline.

Motley asked his assistant to show the video. The footage at first looked like any tourist video -- a busy Manhattan streetscape, food vendors and people whizzing by, a seemingly reverential shot of the green sign that says Wall Street. Then the camera slowly panned up and down the length of the World Trade Center, while a voice spoke in Arabic. The subtitle translated: ''I'll knock them all down.''


From the very earliest days of his career, Motley showed the kind of passion, cocksureness and hallucinatory sense of possibility that have long made trial lawyers a metabolically distinctive species. He lived on credit cards, spent weeks on the road, drank hard in the evening and jogged long in the morning. He took on projects that seemed like surefire losers, sometimes to the utter disgust of his colleagues. To this day, said his partner, Joe Rice, ''Ron just assumes there'll be money there to pay the bills.''

Yet few who know Motley, including his adversaries, would dispute his talents as a lawyer. He thinks quickly, possesses a gift for making difficult concepts accessible and can quote, almost verbatim, documents and testimony he read months before. In the courtroom, he lurches between ruthlessness and shameless vaudeville but still manages to endear himself to juries, probably because his antics -- like bringing water guns to court -- provide relief from the undertaker-sonorousness of most defense lawyers. Slowness he finds infuriating, especially these days, as he waits for documents from his more leisurely and bureaucracy-prone counterparts in Europe. (''They meet more often than the elders of the Church of the Nazarene,'' Motley complained. ''And probably get less done.'')

But underneath the comedy runs a hard streak of determination. ''With Ron, there's this huge sense of wanting to beat the pants off Goliath,'' said Paul Hanly, a New York lawyer also working on the Burnett case, who in previous years opposed Motley as a defense attorney. ''And then there's this whole populist thing -- that he's up against the Republican-funded, blue-chip, white-shoe Wall Street law firms who wouldn't have hired him as a paralegal when he graduated from law school.''

Motley grew up in North Charleston, S.C. From the time he was tall enough to reach the nozzle, he pumped gas at his father's service station in a mostly black, working-class section of town. He attended the University of South Carolina, had a brief stint as a high-school history teacher, then returned to the university for law school. His ascent after graduation was swift. He had his own name on the law-firm door by 1975. He became the youngest president of the South Carolina Trial Lawyers Association in 1977. During the early 1980's, he formed an archipelago of agreements with law firms around the country, trying asbestos cases by the dozen. Then, in 1993, the Mississippi attorney general, Michael Moore, recruited Motley and a handful of other lawyers to lead an improbable assault against Big Tobacco on behalf of his state. The case ultimately swelled into a gargantuan project involving dozens of plaintiffs' lawyers representing 46 states and five United States territories. Motley's firm represented 25 government entities and, in a remarkable settlement in 1998, secured $246 billion for them over the course of 25 years.

Motley's firm reaped an estimated $2 billion in fees from the tobacco settlement, too, but the money seemed only to fuel an already festering tension between Motley and his partners. As he was gambling on Big Tobacco, they were toiling away on less risky, less glamorous cases, trying to keep the firm solvent. Then Motley started talking about 9/11 litigation, even though he'd never tried a single international case in his life. The partnership, Ness, Motley, Loadholt, Richardson & Poole, dissolved in 2002. Motley and Rice went on to form their own firm, based in Mount Pleasant, S.C.

Motley's fans concede that to know him is to appreciate his pandemonium, but he also has a quieter side. ''He has this reputation for being a brash, successful plaintiffs' lawyer,'' said Marc Kasowitz, who faced Motley in the tobacco years as a lawyer for the Liggett Group. ''But in person, he's very straightforward, actually, and sort of a sensitive guy.'' During the asbestos years, Rice recalled, Motley took breaks from his depositions of witnesses with lung disease to go outside and cry.

Opportunistic and compassionate, bombastic and fragile, undisciplined and focused -- it's a binary personality code that applies to a lot of successful people, and it applies rather vividly to Motley, who for all his bluster still stands with the sloped posture of someone who's both heartsick and disappointed in himself. He is three times divorced, admits he still drinks more than he should and now regrets, in ways he could hardly have imagined, that he saw too little of his two children as they were growing up. When Thomas Burnett's father phoned in the winter of 2001, inquiring about a potential Sept. 11 lawsuit, what drew Motley in were doubtless the same things that always did -- money, publicity, outrage, intellectual sport. But there was something else, too, and that was a terrible sense of identification: his own 28-year-old son, Mark, had died just 10 months before, following experimental surgery for epilepsy. When he met the Burnetts in person three months later, he told them so.

''Understand, it's not like I use it as a marketing tool,'' Motley told me. ''But people who haven't been through it, they don't know what it's like to be in the fog of death.'' He was silent for a second. ''Like I'm told I did my son's eulogy. I'm told I got up that morning, wrote it out and never read from a script. I'm told that it was the most eloquent thing anybody's ever heard. And I don't remember a word I said.''


Twitching his eyes and bouncing his knees, Motley sat in the pillowed corner of a common room at the Pentagon City Ritz-Carlton last October, drowning in his own adrenaline. He was preparing for a hearing in Washington the next day, during which a judge was to entertain motions to dismiss the two highest-profile defendants in his case: Prince Turki al-Faisal, the former head of Saudi intelligence, and Prince Sultan bin Abdel Aziz, the Saudi minister of defense.

''Say,'' he shouted to a colleague. ''Have you gotten that memo on the Prince of Baloney yet?'' Motley was referring to Prince Turki, whom he also once referred to on television as ''Prince Cooked Goose.'' He turned and elaborated. ''Turki gave a speech last night and labeled our charges baloney. So now we have a new name for him.''

Gerson, rabbinical and elegant in a three-piece suit -- Motley was in sweats -- gently admonished him, suggesting that perhaps he ought not call the princes names.

As a trial lawyer, Motley is a generalist. Though clearly important to him, Burnett ultimately amounts to another chapter in a long and varied career. The same cannot be said of Gerson. Thoughtful, arrogant and tangibly intense, he has spent most of his adult life contemplating the relationship between individuals and nations -- first as chief counsel to the American delegation to the United Nations under Jeane Kirkpatrick, then as a lawyer in the Reagan Justice Department working on international affairs. When Gerson discusses Burnett, he talks in sweeping, conceptual terms, not tactical ones. His attitude toward the case borders on the messianic.

Like many specialists in international law, Gerson said he believes that domestic courts have a role to play in holding foreign parties accountable for their misdeeds. He came of age as a doctoral student at Yale under the tutelage of Myers McDougal, the eminence grise of international law, who preached that lawyers had a legitimate role in advancing political objectives. As soon as he entered the private sector, he began to put this philosophy into practice, becoming the first lawyer to file a civil suit against Libya for the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. Shortly after Sept. 11, he had an idea for a similar suit aimed at Saudis. A colleague introduced him to Motley in the spring of 2002, at the private-jet area of Dulles airport, where Motley had diverted his plane in order to meet him. Having already agreed to represent the Burnetts, Motley was digging a tunnel in the same direction. The two men -- a Democratic trial lawyer and a neoconservative Reaganite -- made a verbal agreement that afternoon.

What Gerson sees in Burnett is the perfect opportunity for the judiciary to play a critical role in the war on terror, punishing those enemies of the United States that the executive branch, hamstrung by diplomatic considerations, cannot. ''If we left justice solely to the U.S. government, when it has so many commercial and other interests with countries like Saudi Arabia, what action would be taken?'' he asked. ''We've refused to join the international criminal court. And trying to accuse a foreign country of criminal activity gets us into a terrible diplomatic mess. So why shouldn't they be held responsible in our courts?''

To those accustomed to the genteel rites of diplomacy, the adversarial American court system may seem an unfortunate forum to engage questions of international wrongdoing. In an affidavit in the Burnett case, Charles Freeman, a former ambassador to Saudi Arabia, disparagingly referred to this solution as ''the privatization of foreign policy.'' Gerson prefers to call it the privatization of justice. Absent the judiciary, he argues, victims of terror have no other means of redressing wrongs. ''Freeman's notion, which represents institutionalized State Department dogma, is like the old idea that the Post Office is only something that the U.S government can do -- it's so antiquated it's absurd,'' he said. ''The idea is that the government is obligated only to itself and responsible to no one. Well, that idea has been eroding with the advent of contemporary human rights. This is the great human rights case. It's the right to be free from terrorism.''

American civil courts are not unfamiliar with lawsuits involving international human rights. Since 1980, lawyers have made shrewd use of an obscure 1789 law called the Alien Tort Claims Act, originally intended to combat piracy, which gives American courts ''original jurisdiction of any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.'' As a result, American judges have heard from Guatemalan victims of torture, from Haitian dissidents and from survivors of the Bosnian genocide. In the last decade, the same law has also been used in an attempt to hold multinational corporations accountable for malfeasance -- like Unocal, for example, for its alleged use of forced labor to provide security for oil pipelines in Myanmar.

The difference between Alien Tort cases and Burnett, however, can be measured in light years. Alien Tort cases are generally brought by human rights lawyers, working for a pittance, hoping to turn a 215-year-old law into an instrument of justice for citizens around the globe. Burnett is being brought by a plaintiffs' lawyer, toiling for a cut of the proceeds, hoping to use laws recently enacted by a law-and-order Congress to punish those who have brought harm to Americans. One can see how tastelessly opportunistic it might seem from the point of view of the human rights community: plaintiffs' lawyers, swooping in, turning a handsome profit off history's ugliest moments. Yet some human rights experts see real value in Burnett. ''It seems like a righteous case brought by an experienced lawyer,'' said Paul Hoffman, the human rights attorney involved in the Unocal suit. ''And who else has the kind of resources for it? Who else has that kind of cash up front?''

Motley does, of course. Yet there aren't many precedents for spectacular payoffs in cases like this one. Almost none of the plaintiffs who have sued successfully using the Alien Tort Claims Act have been able to collect from the hostile foreign parties they've targeted; generally, they are awarded default judgments when the defense doesn't show up in court. And most of the successful cases using antiterrorism statutes have been directed at countries on the State Department list of terrorism sponsors, like Iran and Cuba, whose American assets, if there are any, are generally frozen. The victories in all these cases are mainly moral rather than financial. In going after wealthy Saudis and Saudi financial institutions with considerable assets in the United States, Motley is part of the first generation of lawyers trying these cases who might actually be able to collect.

Unless, that is, the Bush administration tries to block the suit. As a rule the administration favors a limited role for the judiciary in international cases. Later this month, it will argue before the Supreme Court against the use of the Alien Tort statute for human rights cases, absent a law from Congress explicitly allowing as much. Even with an imprimatur from Congress, the president clearly doesn't like Motley's use of the antiterrorism statutes; back in October 2002, news articles reported ''administration officials'' saying that the government was considering asking the courts to dismiss the suit. Victims' families reacted with the outrage you'd expect. The administration never intervened.

But should the administration consider Motley's suit a threat? David Aufhauser, the former general counsel to the Treasury Department, said he believes that private and government action against terrorism are not mutually exclusive pursuits. ''If brought soberly and with substance, private actions can be of material assistance to the government,'' he said. ''Because I can tell you: the bankers of terror are cowards. They have too much to lose by transparency. Name, reputation, affluence, freedom, status. They're the weak link in the chain of violence. They are not beyond deterrence.''


Jean Charles-Brisard, Motley's chief European investigator, was a bit late to arrive at La Reserve Hotel in Geneva one afternoon last December, but it didn't seem to matter. The witness he was meeting, Carmen bin Laden, wasn't ready to speak with him anyway, because she was still talking to a pair of foreign journalists about ''Inside the Opaque Kingdom,'' her chronicle of tribulations within the bin Laden family. When she finally finished, she walked over to Brisard, magisterially shook his hand and took a seat on a hard maroon couch. She was trim, plump-lipped, imposing and, in her own way, spectacular. Her face was stretched as taut as a volleyball net, and her coat collar was a vivid species of fur. She pulled out a cigarette.

Carmen bin Laden is Osama's Swiss-born sister-in-law. She is currently embroiled in a bitter divorce from his half-brother Yeslam, who is a defendant in Burnett. This makes her, like many of the witnesses in Motley's case, fairly rich in ulterior motives. Her discussion with Brisard did not last long. After just a few minutes, she received a phone call and abruptly left. Brisard turned to me and apologized for her ''bizarre'' behavior. ''She's not a key witness,'' he said. ''She's a contextual witness.''

Over the course of their investigation, Motley's team has learned what the professional intelligence community has long known: the information trade often involves questionable types. Michael Elsner, an associate at Motley Rice who often accompanies Brisard on these trips, told me of once receiving a phone call from a Russian fellow named Igor who said just enough about Islamic banks and charities operating in Chechnya to earn himself an invitation to chat. The man who showed up was bald, rotund and almost permanently attached to a shining silver briefcase. ''He was supposed to get us things,'' Elsner said. Yet he never returned. It's probably just as well. A background check revealed that Igor had a small problem with embezzling.

With his $12 million, Motley has begun an investigation that even most nation-states could not afford. But money alone is not enough to form an ersatz C.I.A. Motley sought out former intelligence agents, journalists and professors, all of whom spent their lives obsessing about Al Qaeda. Some turned out to be shady and unreliable. Yet Motley has had some success. Early on, one of his sources in Afghanistan learned of a Taliban fighter who was selling a computer file that he claimed had belonged to Muhammad Atef, military commander for Al Qaeda until he was killed in November 2001 in Afghanistan. The seller wanted $80,000. Motley wired it to Dubai. Motley's team also discovered a document supposedly signed by Mullah Omar containing a directive to turn over $2 million ''in Saudi Arabia aids'' to a terrorist in central Asia. That got attention in the press.

But Motley also concedes that his team had a hard time separating wheat from chaff when it began its investigation two years ago. Fakihi's computer, which Motley was so pleased to have obtained, for example, ended up adding little to the information he'd already collected. The car that came with it is still sitting somewhere in Europe.

Motley is now focusing on the documents culled by foreign governments, which have already been vetted and, presumably, authenticated. This is where Brisard comes in. Though his book was criticized in the United States, he is nevertheless considered an expert on Al Qaeda's financing stream, particularly its Saudi tributaries, and has written a well-respected report on the subject for the United Nations Security Council. So far Brisard has gotten his hands on two million pages of documents from 35 foreign governments, some of them quite tantalizing: Swiss bank records of Osama bin Laden; Albanian intelligence reports on bin Laden business dealings; information from 34 Bosnian hard drives from the offices of Al Haramain Charitable Foundation, which Brisard said he managed to get instead of the F.B.I. (Why? I asked. ''Because the U.S. promised to give them the technology to recover the deleted files, but didn't,'' Brisard answered. ''And we did.'') Recently, added Motley, an Oregon federal prosecutor investigating Al Haramain called him, wondering whether he could have a look at those files. Motley said he obliged.

One may wonder why these countries would bother cooperating with an American civil lawsuit. Motley has a characteristically blunt explanation. ''Please -- these countries have their own parochial agendas,'' he said. ''Radical Islamic fundamentalism is a huge problem in France. A huge problem in Spain. A terrible problem in Germany. And look at Chechnya! Why do you need to look any further at why Russia's gonna help us? Or look at Jordan. It's a secular kingdom! They're certainly not rah-rah-rah on the Wahhabi movement.''

How this formidable pile of information will be interpreted by the courts -- if Motley's case ever gets that far -- remains to be seen. For the lay person, any foray into the intelligence world is surreal and initially intoxicating; who wouldn't respond to the formation minutes of Al Qaeda, which the team obtained from Bosnia? If genuine, this and many of Motley's documents are certainly of historical relevance, but whether they're of legal relevance, demonstrating that Motley's defendants knew they were providing material support to terrorists, is another question entirely.

''The claim against my client is that it gave money to charities and the money ended up in the hands of terrorists,'' said Christopher Curran, the lawyer for Al Rajhi Bank, one of the banks being sued by Motley. ''But these were government-regulated and government-approved charities that held themselves out as bona fide charitable organizations. When we Americans donate our clothes to Goodwill or our funds to the United Way, do we really know where it's all going? Don't we also rely on government regulation and the representations of the charities themselves?''

Even if Motley compiles enough evidence to prove his defendants knowingly financed terrorism, it may not be enough: the judge must still agree that it is appropriate for an American court to assert jurisdiction over them. In the cases of the Saudi Princes Turki and Sultan, for example, the judge did not. In November the United States District Court in Washington ruled that the allegations against the princes, as Saudi officials, were not enough to surmount sovereign immunity, a powerful privilege that protects states and their officials not just from liability but also from lawsuits themselves.

The ruling didn't affect Motley's banking, charity and nonsovereign defendants, but his team was devastated when it heard the news. ''The judge proceeded as if it were a time of peace,'' Gerson said, ''and it's a time of war.''


For Gerson and Motley, war means interpreting the antiterrorism statutes as aggressively as possible. But even people sympathetic with their efforts think there are limits. Like suing sovereigns. ''Look,'' said Aufhauser, the former Bush administration official, ''you have to be mindful that bringing them into an American court is an invitation for enormous mischief abroad, potentially against former and current U.S. officials . . . like me.''

The United States more or less had to cope with this problem last year, when Iraqi families, using Belgium's ''universal jurisdiction'' law (now amended to give immunity to world leaders), tried to call Colin Powell, former President Bush and Dick Cheney into court for the bombing of a civilian shelter during the gulf war in 1991. Youssef M. Ibrahim, a former New York Times reporter who is now the managing director of Strategic Energy Investment Group, a consulting firm based in Dubai, told me that two lawyers in Saudi Arabia are flirting with the idea of recruiting Iraqi clients to sue Donald Rumsfeld for the use of depleted uranium munitions in Iraq. What if their targets don't stop with Rumsfeld? And what if they also sue Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman for making those arms? Or their engineers for designing them?

For those who believe the executive branch should be wholly in charge of foreign policy, Burnett feels like a mockery of international relations, a flagrant end run around the institutions designed to engage the world community. ''If people think we should be tougher on these countries, we have a democratic process to try to bring that about,'' said Murphy, the former State Department official. ''They can vote, they can lobby, they can form networks and lobby even better. But it shouldn't be dictated by the initiatives of just a few victims.''

Particularly, the argument goes, when Saudi Arabia has an incentive to finally address the problem of terrorist financing itself. In May and November 2003, terrorists blew up housing complexes in Riyadh, which reportedly spurred more on-the-ground intelligence cooperation between the United States and Saudi Arabia than ever before. The Treasury Department, charged with tracing terrorism dollars, noted in an announcement in January that it worked jointly with Saudi Arabia to close down four offices of the charity Al Haramain outside the kingdom. Would now be the time to humiliate Saudi Arabia with a lawsuit, just as our objectives are finally starting to align?

''Basically, this is U.S. diplomacy by contingency-fee lawyer,'' said Curran, the defense lawyer. ''No one disputes that all of those responsible for 9/11 should be tracked down and held fully responsible. But in this case, allegations have been made indiscriminately against some of the most prominent and reputable Saudi organizations and citizens -- many of whom are Western-oriented and could play a major role in fostering constructive relations between our two countries. These lawsuits undermine that possibility.''

Meanwhile, the American budget and trade deficits continue to grow. Is now the time to scare away the foreign investors who are pouring money into the American economy and buying Treasury bonds? Less than a year after Sept. 11, The Financial Times reported, Saudi investors had already withdrawn as much as $200 billion from the United States. ''At the end of the day, I believe this president will prevent this lawsuit,'' Ibrahim said. ''There's nothing more cowardly, as you know, than capital.''

Some human rights lawyers, though reasonably convinced of the merits of Motley's case, also balk at the ''material support'' clauses it relies so heavily upon, believing they've been defined too broadly and could therefore unwittingly penalize those who give money to groups they consider politically legitimate. ''When Nelson Mandela came to Yankee Stadium, should all the people who put $10 in the hat be treated as terrorists?'' asked David Cole, a human rights lawyer who is leading an aggressive challenge to these statutes. Cole pointed out that not long before, the United States government had labeled the African National Congress a terrorist organization. ''Are we going to go down the road of guilt by association in the name of fighting terrorism, just as we did in the name of fighting Communism?'' Cole said. ''That's my principal concern.''

Motley would point out that he is not going after $10 donors in his lawsuit, but the gulf states may not view it that way. ''I give to charity personally,'' said Khaled Al-Maeena, editor in chief of The Arab News, an English-language newspaper published in Jidda. ''You can quote me on this. A lot of people supported the Afghan struggle against the Soviet Union. Some of that money may have been siphoned. But that does not mean we are responsible for Sept. 11. Who are these people who are accusing them? They are fat-cat lawyers -- fat-cat lawyers who want to make money.''

Indeed, perhaps the most discomfiting aspect of the Burnett case is the message it sends abroad. The United States already has an international reputation for unquenchable litigiousness. And Motley, often prone to rhetorical excess -- like referring to Prince Turki as Prince Cooked Goose -- hardly seems like the most sensitive champion of private action against foreign defendants. The average Saudi may read about Burnett and feel not deterred but further inflamed: the United States walked away from the Kyoto treaty; it attacked Iraq with only meager international support; it repeatedly flouted the desires of the United Nations. And now, the United States, whose citizens are among the richest and luckiest on Earth, has responded to its misfortune with a trillion-dollar lawsuit aimed at, of all things, some of the most prominent relief organizations in the Middle East.

''A judgment will cause great resentment on the part of the people here,'' Al-Maeena concluded, with a sigh so audible it temporarily muffled our connection across the globe. ''And it will be fuel, I think, for our own extremists.''


In mid-December, the Motley team got some disorienting though not entirely unexpected news. A panel of federal judges ordered the consolidation of all Sept. 11 cases involving foreign defendants into the Southern District of New York. It's for the pretrial phase only, in order to spare the defendants the hassle of showing up in multiple courts for multiple lawsuits, but it nevertheless has its consequences. Motley, who had been following his own rhythms, must now reach a power-sharing agreement with the lawyers representing a dozen or so other cases, and their styles, defendants and theories of liability are not necessarily the same. As it turns out, Motley's first attempt at court-driven diplomacy may not involve his defendants but his new colleagues. And lawyers, of course, get along only slightly better than warring nations. So far, no agreement has been reached.

Because Motley has served the most defendants and is representing the most wrongful death claims, he will doubtless have leverage in this deal. And some of the other lawyers now involved in this case could prove a real asset to Motley's team. Like James Kreindler, for example. Though Gerson was the first to sue Libya in the case of Pan Am 103, it was Kreindler, an airline litigation expert, who ultimately represented most of the families. His faint New York patois and familiarity with the folkways of the Southern District also can't hurt; he seems to have a genuine rapport with the new judge in this case, Richard C. Casey.

But Kreindler has spent only $2million so far on his suit. A good portion of it went toward examining Al Qaeda's ties with Iraq, which now appears to be moot -- even if he could provide proof, the Bush administration has declared Iraq's assets off-limits. Most important, though, Kreindler's approach to his lawsuit is very different from Motley's. ''You have to handle this case in a delicate way,'' he said, ''in a way that doesn't burn bridges with our government.'' He stressed that he's a Democrat. ''But I believe in letting the government go first in their criminal prosecutions, and it takes years for the government to do its work. But when that's done, you have the weight of the government behind you when you make allegations.''

This approach does not harmonize well with Motley's instincts. Patience is not his strong suit. ''Jim is the Job of the trial bar for waiting so long on Pan Am 103,'' he said. ''But my clients don't want to wait. They want the trial last week.''

And yet they may have no choice. The court system, their chosen means of justice, is a fundamentally slow, lumbering thing, and with so many different lawyers and philosophies now thrown in the mix, it seems now to be even slower. Motley's clients, like Motley himself, may have to accept that legal solutions to misfortune, as gratifying and empowering as they seem, still don't give their victims full control.

Still, Motley is proceeding apace, serving defendants and collecting documents from around the globe. And Bush has yet to interfere. Last year, at a Republican fund-raiser in Little Rock, Deena Burnett said she asked the president what he thought of the lawsuit she had initiated. The two were standing side by side, waiting to have their picture taken together. She said that Bush turned and looked at her, just before the flashbulb popped. ''You just keep doing what you're doing,'' he said.

Jennifer Senior is a contributing writer for the magazine. She last wrote about Gov. George E. Pataki.

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company
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Saturday, 13 March 2004


>> WISE WOMEN CONTINUED...
Curing the 'Dark Side' of Globalization
http://www.npr.org/rundowns/segment.php?wfId=1765082
?
from All Things Considered, Saturday , March 13, 2004
NPR's John Ydstie talks to economist Catherine Mann about her proposals to remedy the dark side of globalization.




>> KIM JONG-IL ENDORSEMENT CONTINUED...

Kerry endorses longstanding North Korean demand to cut Seoul out of direct U.S. talks
Special to World Tribune.com
EAST-ASIA-INTEL.COM
Tuesday, March 9, 2004
Democratic presidential hopeful Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass., at a town meeting in Houston on March 6.
U.S. Democratic Party presidential candidate John Kerry appears well on the way to winning the North Korean vote.
The Pyongyang media quoted Kerry as criticizing what North Korea sees as the "hard-line" policy of President Bush.
The reports have focused on Kerry's call for bilateral negotiations between North Korea and the U.S. - something the North had demanded for decades before agreeing last year to multilateral talks that gave South Korea a place at the table along with China, Japan and Russia.
The North Korean media have also quoted Kerry as criticizing Bush's policy on Iraq. North Korea strongly opposed the U.S. invasion of Iraq, apparently seeing a precedent there for a preemptive strike against the North's nuclear facilities. Bush in January 2002 included Iraq and North Korea in the same "axis of evil," along with Iran.
The North Korean reports on Kerry have been brief and factual. That's seen as proof that North Korean leaders place a certain confidence in Kerry reflecting the good will engendered by the Clinton administration. Clinton's secretary of state, Madeleine Albright, visited North Korea in late 2000 and Clinton was considering a visit to the North his administration ended in January 2001.
North Korean rhetoric has regularly castigated Bush, denouncing him as a "charlatan" and worse.

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European intelligence: Al Qaida sleepers planned attack
SPECIAL TO WORLD TRIBUNE.COM
Friday, March 12, 2004
LONDON -- Western intelligence sources believe Al Qaida employed insurgents from North Africa for the train bombings in Spain that killed about 200 people.
The sources said Spanish and other European intelligence and security agencies believe that sleeper cells established by Al Qaida-aligned groups helped designate the targets and provide logistics and safe haven for operatives who detonated 10 backpack bombs aboard commuter trains in Madrid on Thursday. The cells were established by organizations that stem from Algeria and Morocco and employed local insurgency operatives, including Basque separatists.
"These attacks were the result of years of liasion and planning between North African groups aligned with Al Qaida and Basque separatists and other local terrorist operatives," a European intelligence source said. "Everybody knew a major attack was coming, but nobody expected it to be this lethal."
On Thursday, an Al Qaida cell, called "Abu Hafs Al Masri Brigades," asserted that the bombings in Madrid constituted an Islamic attack against U.S. allies in Europe, Middle East Newsline reported. The letter termed the strikes "Operation Death Trains."
The North African groups believed to have been involved in the Madrid attacks include the Salafist Jihadiya in Morocco and the Salafist Brigade for Combat and Call in Algeria. Salafist Jihadiya was said to have been contracted by Al Qaida for the May 2003 suicide bombings in Casablanca in which 44 people were killed. Algeria's Salafist Brigade has been regarded as the chief subcontractor for Al Qaida in Europe and North Africa.
"We have succeeded in infiltrating the heart of crusader Europe and struck one of the bases of the crusader alliance," the letter, sent to the London-based Al Quds Al Arabi daily, said. "This is part of settling old accounts with Spain, the crusader, and America's ally in its war against Islam. Where is America, O [Spain's prime minister] Aznar? Who is going to protect you, Britain, Japan, Italy and other collaborators from us?"
The Abu Hafs group is named after a late Al Qaida commander. Abu Hafs is a pseudonym of Mohammed Atef, a relative by marriage to Osama Bin Laden and killed in a U.S missile strike in 2001.
"We bring good news to Muslims of the world that the expected 'Winds of Black Death' strike against America is now in its final stage," the letter said.
The Abu Hafs Brigades claimed responsibility for the November 2003 suicide bombings of two synagogues in Istanbul, Turkey and the August bombing of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad. Abu Hafs also claimed responsibility for Monday's suicide bombing of a Masonic Lodge in Istanbul.
At first, the Spanish government attributed the explosions to ETA, a Basque separatist group. But on late Thursday Spanish Interior Minister Angel Acebes appeared to confirm the assessment of Western intelligence agencies that Al Qaida was involved in the blasts.
Acebes said a van found near the scene of the bombings contained seven detonators and an Arabic tape with verses from the Koran. "I have just given instructions to the security forces not to rule out any line of investigation," Acebes said.
Intelligence sources said most Western agencies regard Abu Hafs as a fictitious group used by Al Qaida in its psychological warfare campaign against the West. They said Abu Hafs has been used by Al Qaida in attacks coordinated with local insurgency cells.
Spain, which broke up an Islamic insurgency network linked to the Al Qaida strikes against the United States in 2001, has been a target of Osama Bin Laden since last year, apparently because of Madrid's participation in the U.S.-led military coalition in Iraq, the sources said. A Bin Laden message on Oct. 18, 2003 cited Spain as a target along with Australia, Britain, Italy, Japan and Poland.
U.S. intelligence analysts dismissed the prospect that ETA was behind the Madrid bombings. They said ETA appeared to lack the capability and motivation for such an attack, but added that an emerging young leadership was believed to be forming links with Islamic insurgency groups aligned with Al Qaida.
"Neither ETA nor Grapo [another Spanish insurgency group] maintains the degree of operational capability it once enjoyed," the State Department said in its annual report on terrorism released in 2004. "The overall level of terrorist activity is considerably less than in the past, and the trend appears to be downward."
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FBI hid Oklahoma bombing files, court told
Judge reviews allegations of tainted jurors
The Associated Press
March 11, 2004
Terry Nichols, serving time on federal charges in the Oklahoma City bombing, also faces state charges.
CREDIT: Associated Press
Terry Nichols' attorneys say more than a dozen FBI documents that raise the possibility of additional accomplices in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing weren't turned over by state prosecutors or the federal government for Nichols' murder trial defence.
The documents, cited in a recent series of Associated Press stories, include two 1990s teletypes from then-FBI director Louis Freeh's office citing possible connections between Timothy McVeigh and a gang of white supremacist bank robbers, the lawyers said.
Nichols, in federal prison, began trial this month on Oklahoma state murder charges alleging he assisted McVeigh in building the deadly bomb.
The judge has said he will dismiss the charges with prejudice -- making it very hard for prosecutors to resurrect the case -- if Nichols' lawyers can prove documents that could have aided their defence were withheld.
Under a Supreme Court ruling, prosecutors and the government are obligated to turn over to defence lawyers all materials that could help clear a defendant, such as evidence that points to other suspects or casts doubt on prosecution witnesses.
Nichols' attorneys agreed to review the materials cited in the AP story and identify which they could not find among the massive files prosecutors and the government provided them. In all, they identified 13 FBI documents and a handful of other materials.
"To our knowledge, we have not received these documents from the state or federal government," lead attorney Brian Hermanson said Wednesday.
In addition, the lawyers said they did not receive any information from prosecutors concerning the FBI's unsuccessful efforts to get permission to interview McVeigh in 2001 to resolve lingering questions before his execution.
The prosecutor, Oklahoma County District Attorney Wes Lane, said, "Everything the federal government has provided to us has either been given or made available to the Nichols' defence team."
Nichols, 48, is serving a life prison sentence for the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building that killed 168 people.
The eighth day of jury selection in Nichols' trial began Wednesday amid revelations that some prospective jurors said they would lie to be selected to possibly convict and sentence the bombing conspirator.
Judge Steven Taylor said a new line of questioning will be developed to address allegations by one prospective juror that others were willing to lie to get on the jury. "I'm going to deal with this," Taylor said.
The issue was revealed as the prospective juror said she overheard other possible panelists say they would say anything to get on the jury. The woman was retained on the panel.
"I'll do whatever it takes to get up there," she paraphrased one of them as saying. "I'm going to say what I can to get on the jury. My decision is already made."
? The Calgary Herald 2004
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U.S. sees 'historic potential' in PM's disengagement plan
By Aluf Benn and Mazal Mualem
The U.S. government believes that Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's disengagement plan poses risks, but has "historic potential." Top-level consultations last week with President George Bush culminated in a decision to support Sharon's plan as much as possible, pending clarification of details with Israeli officials.
The U.S. administration believes it is important that any pullout from the Gaza Strip, and also perhaps from parts of the West Bank, not be perceived as a concession to terror.
Visiting Israel in recent days, U.S. envoys Steve Hadley, Elliott Abrams and William Burns emphasized that an Israeli withdrawal should implement "Bush's vision" and the road map, which calls for the establishment of a Palestinian state. The envoys also clarified that Washington views the disengagement proposal as an Israeli plan; the Bush administration, they said, will not dictate to Israel details regarding the scope of the pullout or the settlements to be evacuated. Washington will decide how to respond based on the policies Israel puts into action, the three envoys said. The nature of American support will be determined when Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Bush meet, which is planned for March 31 or April 1.
The Bush administration wants to add to the ceremony of Sharon's visit, unlike earlier ones. One of the possibilities being considered is inviting Sharon to the presidential retreat at Camp David.
Sharon's bureau chief, Dov Weisglass will leave for Washington at the start of next week, for another round of preparatory talks with U.S. officials. These contacts should finalize Sharon's visit, Israeli sources said this weekend. Weisglass and U.S. officials will work on drafts of a statement to be issued at the end of Sharon's visit, which will outline assistance to be furnished by the U.S. in exchange for Israeli withdrawal.
The three U.S. envoys met in Israel with Sharon, Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom and Finance Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The meetings focused on whether an Israeli pullout from the Gaza Strip is to be supplemented by dismantling settlements on the West Bank.
Sharon was originally inclined toward a relatively large-scale withdrawal from West Bank settlements, but in the face of strong opposition from Likud colleagues, he is now considering a withdrawal from the Gaza Strip alone.
Sharon decided Saturday to postpone a meeting scheduled for tomorrow with Likud ministers about the disengagement plan. His spokesmen said this was necessary because some Likud ministers are overseas; but sources said last night that postponement reflects Sharon's concern about mounting opposition in the Likud to disengagement.
Of 13 Likud ministers in the government, three (other than Sharon) are certain supporters of the plan: Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz, Minister of Industry and Trade Ehud Olmert and Minister Gideon Ezra. The Likud ministers known to oppose the plan are Uzi Landau, Yisrael Katz and Tzachi Hanegbi.
Netanyahu met with the envoys at Sharon's request, and told them that the Gaza Strip must not become a base for Hamas or Al-Qaida terror groups and asked the envoys about security and diplomatic guarantees. Bush, said the envoys, has devised a policy of beating terror, and not surrendering to it; this rule applies to the Gaza Strip, just as it applies to every part of the world, the envoys insisted.
The U.S. envoys wondered whether an Israeli withdrawal would calm events on the ground, comparing a pullout with the Israel Defense Forces withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000. Netanyahu objected to the comparison, saying that conditions are different in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
After their meeting, Netanyahu released a statement saying "the [disengagement] plan which is being considered is complex and problematic;" Netanyahu indicated in the statement that the nature and scope of guarantees and assistance to be provided by the U.S. remain unclear.
Meeting with American officials last Thursday, Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz emphasized that differences that separate the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The security model to be followed regarding Gaza is simple, since the region is surrounded by a fence, Mofaz said. On the West Bank, events are more complicated, Mofaz said, and the timetable must be different, due to the need to complete the separation fence.
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The mother of parliamentary rows
Mar 9th 2004
From The Economist Global Agenda
In Britain's biggest constitutional tussle for decades, the unelected House of Lords has sabotaged Tony Blair's bill to give Britain a proper supreme court and an independent body to select judges
Get article background
BRITAIN has long been an anomaly among the developed nations. It is one of the world's oldest and most exemplary democracies, yet it has no formal constitution and has an unelected head of state who simply inherited the job from her dad. Britain's courts are widely admired around the world, yet the country lacks the separation of powers evident in most countries with a rule of law. The head of the judiciary, the Lord Chancellor, also serves in the executive as a cabinet minister while moonlighting in the legislature as speaker of its upper chamber, the House of Lords (the majority of whose members, until recently, inherited their seats). In the Lords, a committee of legislators, known as the "law lords", doubles up as Britain's court of final appeal.
Since becoming prime minister in 1997, Tony Blair has been making mostly well-intentioned but usually ham-fisted attempts to modernise Britain's creaking constitutional arrangements. His latest proposal--a Constitutional Reform Bill, to abolish the Lord Chancellor's job and create a separate supreme court and an independent body to recruit judges--resulted in another fiasco on Monday March 8th. The Lords voted to delay the bill by sending it to a committee for detailed consideration, making it unlikely to pass before the next election. A furious Mr Blair, who had warned that he would not be held "hostage" by the unelected upper house, may now ram the measure through using the Parliament Act. This law was passed during a constitutional tussle almost a century ago, to stop the Lords frustrating the will of the elected House of Commons. It has only been used three times in the past 50 years. If he invokes it now, Mr Blair could simply pass his bill in the Commons (where his Labour Party currently has a big majority) and it would become law without the Lords' consent.
To try to get the bill through, the current (and probably the last) Lord Chancellor, Lord Falconer, offered some last-minute concessions to allay worries about how genuinely independent the new body to select judges would be--though it can hardly be less independent than the current system, in which they are chosen by either the Lord Chancellor or the prime minister. However, the opposition Conservatives argued that it was an unnecessary extravagance to set up a separate supreme court, and won the support of enough Lords to force a delay in Mr Blair's proposals. If the prime minister does use the Parliament Act to ram through his reforms, he risks a running battle with the upper house, which could retaliate by delaying much of the government's legislative programme until the next election.
The seeds of the current confusion were sown last June when Mr Blair was forced, by the unexpected resignation of a senior minister, to reshuffle his cabinet. He combined this with an attempt to abolish the Lord Chancellor's job and make other constitutional changes. This caused ructions because he had failed to consult other political parties--or, in fact, anyone outside his close circle. On finding that he could not get rid of the Lord Chancellor without passing a law, he backtracked.
Britons seem to have a congenital fear of any changes to their ramshackle constitutional arrangements. But many observers say Mr Blair has made things worse for himself by failing to think through the consequences of the changes he has proposed. Among his earliest ones were the restoration of a parliament in Scotland (after almost three centuries' absence) and a quasi-parliament for Wales. Though these have been modestly successful, the transfer of powers to them, without the creation of an equivalent assembly for England, has led to the undemocratic spectacle of Scottish and Welsh parliamentarians voting at Westminster on matters that only concern England, while English parliamentarians have little say in Scottish and Welsh affairs.
The prime minister's efforts to reform the House of Lords itself have also been erratic. Before taking power, Labour had promised to democratise the Lords, and in 1999 most of the upper house's 750 hereditary peers were expelled. The government then set up a commission to consider the next stage of reform. The commission suggested that the Lords' members be mainly chosen by an independent committee. This proved unpopular, so Mr Blair asked a parliamentary committee to suggest another plan. Last year, no fewer than seven options were put before the House of Commons, which rejected all of them. Mr Blair is now threatening a bill to expel the remaining 92 hereditary peers. Critics say this would leave the upper chamber as predominantly an appointed House of Cronies (though opposition parties get to install some of their cronies too).
One criticism of Mr Blair's proposed supreme court is that, unlike those elsewhere, it will be unable to strike down legislation that offends basic constitutional principles (though the courts already can do so where a law offends the European Convention on Human Rights). Not having a written constitution in the first place makes this tricky. Despite his reforming zeal, Mr Blair is not proposing to end this aberration and give Britain a formal constitution. But many feel that his government's current proposals to limit asylum seekers' rights show why a written constitution, and a supreme court to enforce it, are needed. The government wants to restrict the courts' ability to hear appeals from asylum seekers rejected by the new tribunals that will consider their cases. Seeking to restrict the judiciary's oversight of legal process in this way would be unthinkable if Britain had a supreme court with constitutional backing, like America's.
Iraq's rival factions have now agreed a constitution. Even the quarrelsome Afghans have done so. Surely, say Mr Blair's critics, the time has come for Britain to follow suit. A written guarantee of basic rights, enforced by a truly independent judiciary, and a properly democratic (ie, elected) upper house are, they say, all needed to make Britain the "modern" country that the prime minister promised on coming to power.

Copyright ? 2004 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved.


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>>

Roh goes, for now
Mar 12th 2004
From The Economist Global Agenda
South Korea's President Roh Moo-hyun has been forced to step down after being impeached by parliament, ostensibly for breaking election rules ahead of next month's general election. The move has proven extremely divisive and will increase political instability
AP
Parliamentary democracy, Korean-style
Get article background
ROH MOO-HYUN has never commanded the support of South Korea's political establishment. Even after his surprising nomination by the Millennium Democratic Party (MDP) for the presidency in 2002, conservative elements in the party itself tried to undermine the former human-rights lawyer. The split in the MDP last September--between a small band of Roh supporters and the majority--left the president without a party. Worse, the opposition, helped by the country's conservative newspapers, has been trying to bring down the president for months. Even so, there was widespread surprise that the opposition managed to secure the required two-thirds majority for an impeachment bill on Friday March 12th. The vote, which Mr Roh's supporters had tried to block by occupying the speaker's podium for two days, produced scenes of chaos in the chamber, with the speaker having to be escorted out under a hail of shoes, nameplates and other improvised missiles. The bill has bitterly divided the country. At worst, it could lead to years of political turmoil.
In the short term, it is not clear if Mr Roh's impeachment will stand. The bill must go to the constitutional court, whose judges must approve it by a two-thirds majority. The court will probably take at least a month, and possibly up to six months, to deliver its verdict--so this may not come until well after the election, due on April 15th. In the meantime, the country will be run by the prime minister, Goh Kun, who is normally a ceremonial figure. The nightmare scenario, in terms of policy paralysis, is that Mr Roh is reinstated to serve the remaining four years of his term but his new party, Uri, fails to make big gains in the election. It currently has 47 seats in the 273-seat parliament.
The transgression that led to the impeachment vote was surprisingly minor. Mr Roh is not accused of Nixonesque lying or Clintonesque sexual peccadilloes. He is guilty simply of pledging to do his utmost to secure votes for Uri in the general election. In South Korea, where the president, even when he has a party, is a public official deemed to be above grubby party politics, this is against the rules. Nevertheless, Mr Roh refused to apologise. He finally relented on Friday morning, just before the vote, but his opponents said it was too late.
Although the opposition has focused on the election-rules violation for the purposes of impeachment, there are bigger worries, particularly corruption. A recent scandal has touched Mr Roh's closest aides, a number of whom are either behind bars or under investigation for accepting illegal donations. But the opposition Grand National Party (GNP) has also been caught out. In December, Lee Hoi-chang, the GNP's leader, admitted that the party had accepted 50 billion won ($42m) in illegal funds from big companies, and turned himself in to state prosecutors. The scale of illegal donations may be much greater for the GNP than for Mr Roh's lot, but it is the president who has suffered most from this scandal.
Campaigning on a platform of rooting out endemic political corruption and infighting, Mr Roh was elected on a wave of optimism. However, he has struggled to build on the goodwill. Some problems, like North Korea's nuclear shenanigans, were outside his control. South Korea's economic troubles, too, were evident before Mr Roh's inauguration in February 2003. The country's growth was already slowing before the SARS virus dampened business activity throughout Asia. The government's economic pump-priming in response to the outbreak has helped to stimulate a recovery, but this has not been entirely painless. The previous government's policy was to underpin economic growth by encouraging consumer spending. But that has left many South Koreans struggling with huge credit-card bills.
What happens next? Some of those protesting outside the parliament on Friday night welcomed the impeachment; others accused the opposition of pre-election opportunism and bemoaned the move as the death of South Korea's youngish democracy. When Mr Roh offered to hold a national referendum on his presidency last autumn, admitting that he himself had lost confidence in his ability to govern, polls showed that more than half of voters would support him. But his popularity rating has since slipped to less than 30%. Whatever effect the current crisis has on the public's view of Mr Roh, he seems to have succeeded in widening, rather than eliminating, the divisions in South Korea's politics.
Copyright ? 2004 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved.

---------------------------

It's Korea's Economy, Debt, Stupid: William Pesek Jr. (Update1)
March 12 (Bloomberg) -- Few world leaders would relish running South Korea. Asia's No. 4 economy is grappling with a debt crisis, a tough job market and threats from the North.
And what are elected officials doing to reassure investors? Trying to remove the president.
Lawmakers today voted to impeach President Roh Moo Hyun for alleged election law violations. Roh is suspended for as long as six months as Korea's Constitutional Court considers the case. Prime Minister Goh Kun will be acting president.
It's highly uncertain whether Roh will be removed from office permanently. This is, after all, Korea's first impeachment process. Roh's alleged misdeed is so minor that election officials can't agree on whether he did anything wrong. It's anyone's guess if the court will validate the impeachment vote.
Yet whether Roh survives isn't the point. Such political shenanigans -- and television images of lawmakers scuffling -- sent troublesome signals to investors about the volatile state of Korea's democracy. They also showed the government is too distracted to fix the economy or calm tensions with North Korea.
`Turmoil'
``The impeachment will throw not only the economy but South Korea as a whole into turmoil,'' says Jang Hasung, professor at Korea University and the nation's best-known shareholder activist.
Roh gets some blame, too. Forces trying to remove him say an apology would've cleared up his alleged violation. Roh refused to back down, claiming he did nothing wrong in January when he voiced support for the campaign of a political party. As a civil servant, Roh is supposed to appear neutral.
The lessons from former U.S. President Bill Clinton, another leader who faced removal from office, come to mind. Clinton's 1992 election campaign slogan was ``It's the economy, stupid.'' For Korea, it's not only the economy, but debt, too.
To boost growth after the 1997-1998 Asian crisis, Korea encouraged banks to lend less to companies and more to households. The dark side was that individuals, most with little experience with debt, got in well over their heads.
One in 13 of South Korea's 48 million people is three months or more behind on debt payments. Fast-rising delinquencies are crimping consumer spending, which makes up more than half of Korea's $477 billion economy. Companies borrowing too much caused Korea's meltdown in the late 1990s; now it's consumers imperiling things.
Saving some Borrowers
Among the more striking side effects, bad loans at 19 banks, including Kookmin Bank and Shinhan Financial Group Ltd., owed by households and corporations rose by 3.5 trillion won to 18.6 trillion won in 2003, according to the Financial Supervisory Service.
Now, the government is bailing out at least 400,000 individuals who can't pay their debts to boost an economic growth rate that fell by half last year to about 3 percent. The plan applies to people who borrowed less than 50 million won from at least two lenders. About 1.5 million Koreans meet that criteria.
At a time when Korea needs to hone its global image, it's bizarre to see lawmakers try to impeach Roh. It's also bizarre that Roh wouldn't just apologize.
``Politicians are acting stupid, businessmen are just waiting and seeking which side will be in their own interests and the public is just sick to death about what's going on,'' Jang says.
Politicians need to keep their eyes on the big picture. China's dynamic economy is hogging most of the foreign investment flowing to and around Asia. Korea needs to convince a skeptical world that its economy shouldn't be ignored. It also must reassure investors it's on top of the North Korea issue.
Hostage Economy
While this may be domestic politics gone awry, there's a serious risk of it filtering into Korean markets, which, let's face it, aren't exactly booming. You also have to wonder how all this is playing in Pyongyang. Can North Korea still take the South's government seriously?
``This whole impeachment threat shows how politicians are willing to take the economy hostage for their own survival in the election,'' said Lee Phil Sang, an economics professor at Korea University in Seoul. ``The Korean people don't want to impeach the president they elected one year ago. They want stability and economic prosperity.''
While challenges remain, things are looking up in the economy. Exports grew 46 percent from a year earlier in February, their fastest pace in 15 years. Business confidence reached a 17- month high in February, suggesting companies are becoming more willing to invest.
That Roh's detractors said they wouldn't try to impeach him if he showed remorse makes the whole thing a joke. An action egregious enough to warrant impeachment shouldn't be something the words ``I'm sorry'' can clear up. And it's quite a coincidence that all this comes a month before parliamentary elections.
Voters know that and polls show a majority of them are against impeachment. The average Korean would prefer that the government focus on raising living standards and keeping North Korea's nuclear missiles in their silos.
The same is true of investors, many of whom may now have yet another reason to avoid Korea.
To contact the writer of this column:
William Pesek Jr. in Seoul, or wpesek@bloomberg.net.
To contact the editor of this column:
Bill Ahearn in New York, or bahaearn@bloomberg.net.
Last Updated: March 12, 2004 01:20 EST
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North Korea

Through a glass, darkly

Mar 11th 2004 | PYONGYANG AND PUKCHANG
From The Economist print edition
So far as a visitor can tell in this secretive land, North Korea's economic reforms are starting to bite. But real progress will require better relations with the outside
Get article background
COMMUNIST North Korea has started to experiment with economic reform, and opened its door a crack to the outside world. Though its culture of secrecy and suspicion stubbornly persists, it was deemed acceptable for your correspondent to visit Pyongyang's Tongil market last week. Here, stalls are bursting with plump vegetables and groaning with stacks of fresh meat. You can even buy imported pineapples and bananas from enthusiastic private traders.
But how about a photograph? Most foreigners think of North Korea as a famished nation, and the authorities are evidently keen these days to tell the world about the great strides their economy has made since reforms were introduced in July 2002. Logic might seem to suggest that a snap showing the palpable result of the reforms would be acceptable too. But it is not. The officials were friendly but firm: no pictures of fat carrots.
The July 2002 reforms were ground-breaking for North Korea: the first real step away from central planning since the dawn of communism there in 1945. The government announced that subsidies to state-owned enterprises were to be withdrawn, workers would be paid according to how much they produced, farmers' markets, hitherto tolerated, would become legal and state enterprises would be allowed to sell manufactured products in markets. Most of these enterprises, unless they produced "strategic items", were to get real autonomy from state control.
Almost two years on, how to assess the success or failure of these reforms? That climate of secrecy makes it deeply frustrating. Even the simplest of statistics is unavailable. Li Gi Song, a senior economist at Pyongyang's Academy of Sciences, says he does not know the rate of inflation. Or maybe he is not telling. After all, he says, "We can't publish all the figures because we don't want to appear bare before the United States. If we are bare then they will attack us, like Afghanistan or Iraq." So what follows can be little more than a series of impressions.
The indications are that the reforms are having a big impact. For a start, North Korea has recently acquired its first advertisement (pictured above)--for foreign cars, assembled locally by a South Korean majority-owned company. Or, to be more basic, take the price of rice, North Korea's staple. Before the reforms, the state bought rice from state farms and co-operatives at 82 chon per kilo (100 chon make one won, worth less than a cent at the official exchange rate). It then resold it to the public through the country's rationing system at eight chon. Now, explains Mr Li, the state buys at 42 won and resells at 46 won.
North Korea's rationing system is called the Public Distribution System (PDS). Every month people are entitled to buy a certain amount of rice or other available staples at the protected price. Thus most North Koreans get 300g (9oz) of rice a day, at 46 won a kilo. According to the UN's World Food Programme (WFP), that is not nearly enough. Anything extra has to be bought in the market.
In theory, even in the market the price of staples is limited. Last week, the maximum permitted rice price was marked on a board at the entrance to Tongil as 240 won per kilo. In fact, it was selling for 250. WFP officials say that in January it was selling for 145 won, which points to significant inflation, for rice at least. This is not necessarily a bad thing, since it means that the price is coming into line with the market.
The won's international value is also adjusting. Since December 2002, the euro has been North Korea's official currency for all foreign transactions. In North Korean banks, one euro buys 171 won. In fact, this rate is purely nominal. A semi-official rate now exists and the price of imports in shops is calculated using this.
Last October, according to foreign diplomats, a euro bought 1,030 won at the semi-official rate. Last week it was 1,400. A black market also exists, in which the euro is reported to be fetching 1,600 won--which implies that the won is approaching its market level. It also means, however, that imported goods have seen a big price-hike. For domestically-produced goods, like rice, prices may well go on rising for a good while longer.
What about earnings? Before the 2002 reforms, most salaries lay in the range of 150-200 won per month. Rent and utilities, though, were virtually free, as were (and are) education and health care. Food, via the PDS, was virtually given away. Now, pay is supposed to be linked to output, though becoming more productive is not easy for desk-bound civil servants or workers in factories that have no power, raw materials or markets.
Rents and utilities have gone up, though not by crippling amounts. A two-bedroom flat in Pyongyang including electricity, water and heat costs just 150 won a month--that is, about a tenth of a euro.
Earnings have gone up much more: a waitress in a Pyongyang restaurant earns about 2,200 won a month. A mid-ranking government official earns 2,700. A worker at a state farm earns in the region of 1,700, a kindergarten teacher the same, and a pensioner gets between 700 and 1,500. A seamstress in a successful factory with export contracts can earn as much as 5,000 won a month. Since that seamstress's pay equates to barely three euros a month, wages still have a long way to adjust.
The prices of food and other necessities, to say nothing of luxuries, has gone up much more than rent has. According to the WFP, some 70% of the households it has interviewed are dependent on their 300 gram PDS ration, and the WFP itself is targeting 6.5m vulnerable people out of a total population of some 23m. Not all suffer equally: civil servants in Pyongyang get double food rations from the PDS.
There are some encouraging stories. In Pukchang, a small industrial town 70km (40 miles) north-east of Pyongyang, Concern, an Irish aid group, has been replacing ancient, leaking and broken-down water pipes and pumps, and modernising the purification system. This has pushed the amount of clean water available per person per day from 80 to 300 litres. Kim Chae Sun is a manager at the filtration plant, which is now more efficient. Before July 2002 she earned 80 won a month. Afterwards she earned 3,000 won. Now she earns 3,500.
As Mrs Kim speaks, three giant chimneys belch smoke from the power station that dominates the town. All workers have been told they can earn more if they work harder, but certain groups have been told they will get even more money than everyone else. In energy-starved North Korea these include miners and power workers. Mrs Kim says her husband, who works in the power plant, earns an average of 12,000 won a month. Her rent has gone up from eight to 102 won a month, and in a year, she thinks, she will be able to buy a television or a fridge.
A lot of people, in fact, are buying televisions. The women who sell the sets from crowded Tongil market-stalls get them from trading companies which they pay after making a sale. The company price for an average set is 72,000 won, the profit just 1,000 won. After they have paid for their pitch, the traders can expect an income of 10,000-12,000 won a month.
Mystery sales
Which makes for a puzzle. Who can afford a good month's salary for a locally made jacket in Tongil, costing 4,500 won? How come so many people are buying televisions, which cost more than two years of a civil-servant's pay? How come the number of cars on the streets of the capital has shot up in the past year? Pyongyang still has vastly less traffic than any other capital city on earth, but there are far more cars around than a year ago. Restaurants, of which there are many, serve good food--but a meal costs the equivalent of at least a white-collar worker's monthly salary. Many of these restaurants are packed.
Foreign money is part of it. Diplomats and aid workers say many new enterprises seem to have opened over the last year. Nominally they are state-owned, but sometimes they have a foreign partner, often an ethnic Korean from Japan. The majority are in the import-export business. Some have invested in restaurants and hotels and some in light industry. Thanks to the 2002 reforms, these firms have a degree of autonomy they could not have dreamed of before. An unknown number of people also receive money from family abroad, but there are still no North Korean-owned private companies.
Oh for a tractor
Farmers are among the other winners: they can sell any surpluses on the open market. But two out of three North Koreans live in towns and cities, and only 18% of the country is suitable for agriculture. The losers include civil servants, especially those outside Pyongyang who do not get double food rations and have no way to increase their productivity.
Factory workers have it the hardest. A large proportion of industry is obsolete. Though Pyongyang has electricity most of the day, much of the rest of the country does not. Despite wild talk of a high-tech revolution, the country is not connected to the internet, though some high-ups do have access to e-mail service. In the east of the country lies a vast rustbelt of collapsing manufacturing plants.
Huge but unknown numbers of workers have been moved into farming, even though every scrap of available land is already being cultivated. The extra workers are needed because there is virtually no power for threshing and harvesting and no diesel for farm vehicles. This requires more work to be done by hand. Ox-carts are a common sight.
The innocent suffer
Markets are everywhere. But this does not mean that there is enough food everywhere. In Pyongyang, where there are better-off people to pay for it, there is an ever-increasing supply. Outside the capital, shortages are widespread.
No one knows how many died during the famine years of 1995-99; estimates range from 200,000 to 3m. In Pukchang, officials say that 5% of children are still weak and malnourished. In Hoichang, east of Pyongyang, schools and institutions tell the WFP that about 10% of children are malnourished. Masood Hyder, the senior UN official in North Korea, says that vulnerable households now spend up to 80% of their income on food.
And yet some things are improving. Two surveys carried out in 1998 and 2002 by the North Korean government together with the WFP and Unicef showed a dramatic improvement in children's health between those years. The proportion of children who fail to reach their proper height because of malnutrition fell from 62% to 39%, and the figures are thought to be still better now. However, Unicef says that though children may no longer die of hunger, they are still dying from diarrhoea and respiratory diseases--which are often a side-effect of malnutrition.
North Korea's 11-year-old victims
To a westerner's eye, a class of 11-year-olds in Hoichang is a shocking sight. At first, your correspondent thought they were seven; the worst-affected look to be only five. Ri Gwan Sun, their teacher, says that apart from being stunted some of them still suffer from the long-term effects of malnutrition. They struggle to keep up in sports and are prone to flu and pneumonia. They are also slower learners.
Pierrette Vu Thi of Unicef says that North Korea's poor international image makes it hard for her agency, the WFP and others to raise all the money they need. The country is in a chronic state of emergency, she says, and to get it back on its feet it would need a reconstruction effort on the scale of Afghanistan and Iraq.
Such bleak talk is echoed by Eigil Sorensen of the World Health Organisation. He says that health services are extremely limited outside the capital. Medicines and equipment are in short supply, large numbers of hospitals no longer have running water or heating and the country has no capacity to handle a major health crisis.
None of this is likely to change very fast. With no end yet to the nuclear stand-off between North Korea and the United States, American and Japanese sanctions will remain in place. And nukes are only part of it. Last week the American State Department said it was likely that North Korea produced and sold heroin and other narcotics abroad as a matter of state policy. North Koreans who have fled claim that up to 200,000 compatriots are in labour camps. North Korea denies it all.
Reform, such as it is, has plainly made life easier for many. But rescuing the North would take large amounts of foreign money, as well as measures more far-reaching than have yet been attempted. At present, there is no way for the government to get what it needs from international financial institutions like the World Bank. Such aid as comes will be strictly humanitarian, and investment in so opaque a country will never be more than tentative. Domestic reform on its own cannot fix an economy wrecked by decades of mismanagement and the collapse of communism almost everywhere else.
Copyright ? 2004 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved.



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>> ORGANIZED CRIME? WHERE?
Between the Lines / Pyramid dealings

By Hannah Kim
Denials of the existence of organized crime in Israel set a record this week. No, there is no organized crime, but only crime that goes on in the ghetto of "the underworld." Extortion of protection money and illegal gambling - yes. Sending tentacles into politics, the economy and other establishment areas - no.
There is no organized crime in Israel, but the explosive that, according to the police, was set to go off in Ezra (Shuni) Gavrieli's car was discovered after Gavrieli went to Grigori Lerner's office in the Azrieli Towers in Tel Aviv, where he met with Sofa Landver, formerly a Labor Party member of Knesset.
If we are looking for a story that characterizes the attempt to infiltrate organized crime into Israel, the story of Grigori Lerner is a fine example. He was convicted and sentenced to five years in prison in a plea bargain on three attempts to bribe elected officials and civil servants, fraud, five acts of forgery, three false statements on corporate documents, bribing two Bank Hapoalim employees and currency violations.
His arrest by the police in 1997 dragged a parade of politicians to the National Unit for Serious and International Crimes Investigations. Among them were Natan Sharansky (currently Likud Minister without Portfolio) to whose now defunct Yisrael b'Aliyah Party Lerner contributed $100,000; Labor Party MK Shimon Peres, who had promoted the career of Sofa Landver, from being his Russian teacher to being a Knesset member, during which time she knew Lerner; Yuri Stern, who moved from Sharansky's party to (now Transportation Minister) Avigdor Lieberman's party; and Nissim Zvilli of the Labor Party.
Then too, Landver and Stern protested that Lerner was being persecuted because he was an immigrant from Russia; then too, Lieberman attacked the police and the head of the Serious and International Crimes Unit, Moshe Mizrahi.
Lerner tried to make use of his political connections in order to establish a bank in Israel. He tried to set himself up as a candidate for the Knesset, registered at the Ashkelon branch of the Likud and possibly might have succeeded in getting elected to the Knesset had the police not embarked on an open investigation of him.
After the Bank of Israel refused to approve his plan to open a bank in Israel, Lerner opened a bank in Cyprus, a kind of proxy bank, which he ran from a branch of Bank Hapoalim in Israel. In 1997, in a police raid of his offices, a letter was confiscated that Lerner had sent by fax to one of the heads of the Solntsevo syndicate, one of the biggest crime organizations in Russia. In this letter, which was included in the police evidentiary material, the word "pyramid" is used:
"(...) and the main thing, the pyramid, which will start at the Tuku Bank, is stable. Although it will not be easy. It is necessary to work hard and toughly. But I know how to do this. With respect to your decision, report to me successfully because without your cover I will not hold out. My aim is simple: to settle accounts with you for $15 million, to keep $15 million for myself, to enter politics, the Parliament (Knesset), to get my profit from the newspaper and the television channel. All the transactions will be signed by Smolniasky and Haimovitch and also Cypriots. And my hands are clean, and there are no proofs, and if they want to talk nonsense, let them. In Israel everybody talks nonsense about everyone else, and there is no consciousness. Everything is fine; Chernoy [Lerner is referring to Mikhail Chernoy, whom the Prosecutor's Office decided to try on charges of fraud in aggravated circumstances in the Bezeq shares acquisition affair - H.K.] and Luchinsky [Grigori Luchinsky, whose Israeli passport the High Court of Justice and the Interior Ministry refused to renew, and who according to police information is involved in international arms dealing and crime syndicate money laundering - H.K.] and so on. This is the truth; I need the month's delay and your cover."
There you have it, written by the man himself: Lerner's aim was to enter the Knesset and from there to promote and legitimize his businesses. To this man came Shuni Gavrieli, in whose car an explosive charge was found before it blew up.
Lerner, in an interview with the mass circulation daily Yedioth Ahronoth, said that he had been told that "Shuni Gavrieli is a kind of godfather." Gavrieli has denied any connection to illegal activity and Sofa Landver has again said that there is persecution, this time of Gavrieli and not just the immigrants from Russia.
There is no organized crime in Israel. Of course there isn't. It is true that David Appel is accused of bribing the foreign minister at the time, Ariel Sharon (now prime minister), the mayor of Jerusalem at the time, Ehud Olmert (now minister of industry and trade), the mayor of Lod, Benny Regev, and the mayor of Givat Shmuel, Zamir Ben-Ari. It is true that the latter goes around closely accompanied by bodyguards. It is true that Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin and former (Herut) Knesset member Michael Kleiner were employed as legal consultants in one of Appel's companies, and it is true that Likud MK Michael Eitan did business with that same Appel (organizing group tours abroad). And it is also true that in the state prosecutor's report on the Hebron/Bar-On affair Appel was called a "switchboard," for having held conversations with Ronny Bar-On (now Likud MK) and Aryeh Deri about the appointment of the attorney general.
All this is true, but there is no organized crime, there is only "organized criminal activity" by all kinds of Rosensteins.
Zohar Argov's patron
Shuni Gavrieli is an authoritative figure whom everyone obeys. Like Mantsch - Mordechai Tsarfati - the big mediator from the 1960s and '70s, who all in all was responsible for arranging the chairs at Mapai conventions. A kind of conference organizer, whom everyone knew had the final word in the gang wars.
Shuni Gavrieli is not responsible for arranging the chairs at Likud meetings. He organizes meetings of his own, in his club, the former Ariana, today Hatzerot Yaffo. Gavrieli was always the silent brother of the family, whom everyone respected and admired. His name has never been linked to illegal activity. In contrast to his older brother, Reuven, his connections with politicians have been extremely limited - up until about a year ago. Then he decided to run his daughter, Inbal, for Knesset.
Gavrieli was the patron of many Mizrahi (Jews originating in Muslim countries) singers. He tried to wean Zohar Argov from heroin, and frequenters of the Ariana remember well how Argov collapsed during a performance. Gavrieli tended him personally, with devotion. At the Halleluyah club he established near the Ariana, Shimi Tavori, Eli Louson, Aviva Avidan and Boaz Sharabi appeared. This was the period when Mizrahi singers had not yet burst the bounds of the ghetto. Eli Louzon sang "What a Country" in his wonderful tenor voice at a time when Gavrieli was conducting a struggle with the mayor of Tel Aviv at the time, Shlomo Lahat, and the municipal engineering authority.
Those were the days of polarization between North and South Tel Aviv. Shimon Yehoshua was shot dead by a policeman after he tried to stop a municipal bulldozer that was trying to demolish the balcony his family had enclosed, illegally, in its Kfar Shalem home. At the same time, businessman Rafi Unger added one and a half stories without a license to his Pyramid House on Hamasger Street, former Knesset member Avraham Shapira (Agudat Yisrael) converted the car-park at his villa into an office and ritual bath without a permit and Rehavam Ze'evi erected seven illegal buildings at the Land of Israel Museum, with the help of contractor Bezalel Mizrahi. These things were published at the time in the now defunct newspaper Al Hamishmar.
The municipal engineering authority wanted to apply the law in Kfar Shalem and Jaffa and ignored these three cases, which were a representative sample of building violations in the northern part of the city. At the time Gavrieli wanted from the city what Unger and Shapira were given - the opportunity to pay for the building violation and legitimize it. He was answered with an absolute no.
Gavrieli's first encounter with politics was in this context. The patron of Mizrahi singers sought a political patron of his own. He formed an alliance with Rehavam Ze'evi, who was very close to Lahat. Ze'evi mediated between Lahat and Gavrieli and the Ariana was made legitimate and legal. After that Gavrieli helped Ze'evi set up his political party, Moledet, and after Ze'evi was murdered, he turned openly to the area where his brother Reuven had been playing behind the scenes.
Instead of forming ties with politicians, he sent his daughter Inbal, who lacked any background in public activity, to the Knesset. His other daughter, Maya, studied law. Maya became a close legal advisor, Inbal a Knesset member and Gavrieli a real estate entrepreneur.
Gavrieli's position as the proprietor of a leading Mizrahi music club has been taken over by Shlomi Oz, who, in contrast to Shuni Gavrieli, does have a criminal past. Oz began to run the Plaka Club, behind Hamasger Street in Tel Aviv, in proximity to the illegal casino and bingo clubs, which are continuing to operate today as if there were no police. Oz, who maintained silence during his investigation by the police in the Greek island affair, hosted Likud MK Omri Sharon on the evening when David Spector gave his interview to Nissim Mishal's program on Channel 2 television. Omri and Shlomi are good friends. Inbal and Omri are also good friends.
Between the days of the Ariana and the days of the Plaka, the ghetto burst its bounds. It is worthwhile being the friend of a politician, it is worthwhile for the politician to be a friend of the club owner, and it is very worthwhile to be a Knesset member.
At Etti Alon's house
A short while before it became clear how Etti Alon had transferred about a quarter of a billion shekels from the Trade Bank to her brother, the chronic gambler Ofer Maximov, a great deal of material about illegal soccer gambling came into the hands of the Central Unit of the police. Among the other evidence that was gathered by a private investigator who was hired by the Council for Betting Arrangements in Sport there was also testimony by a woman called Etti, who ran a soccer betting station in her home from the beginning of the 1990s until 1995.
Meretz MK Avshalom Vilan, who gave the material to the police, says that only after the affair of the embezzlement at the Trade Bank was made public did he discover that this was Etti Alon, who according to the evidence did what quite a few enterprising citizens of Israel do who run betting shops from their apartments or stores. The prizes are paid by the "bank" which is of course an illegal bank, run by innocuous shell companies that were registered at the end of the 1980s.
Only in recent months have the police also begun to take an interest in illegal soccer betting, which is another flourishing branch of illegal gambling in Israel, turning over about NIS 2 billion annually, according to MK Vilan. "Today there are people sitting in the Knesset who got there thanks to gambling money," he says.
About a year and a half ago, when the police commissioner and the head of Police Intelligence appeared before one of the Knesset committees, they declared that they were certain of one thing: There is no organized crime in Israel, because there has been no infiltration of such crime into politics. This was a strange declaration, in light of what had been discovered in the Grigori Lerner case. Today, there is already recognition of the existence of "organized crime" in Israel, but the existence of crime that sends tentacles into politics, the economy and the law is denied.
This denial creates scenes that never occurred in the past, such as Ariel Sharon's attack on the police, on the day that police investigators raided the office of accountants Goldman and Co., and confiscated papers connected to the offshore Charington, Ltd. company in the Virgin Islands, which according to the suspicions was a straw company that Gilad Sharon and Cyril Kern used at the beginning of 2002 for turning around funds that were supposed to be used to pay back the fine that the State Controller had imposed on Sharon.
If the police have succeeded, on a miserable budget, in capturing the quartet of mercenaries who were brought to Israel from Russia, it is interesting what they would have succeeded in capturing if they had a realistic budget and a focused target. A few months ago Public Security Minister Tzachi Hanegbi was still talking about a budget of approximately a quarter of a billion shekels for this purpose. In the latest budget it turned out that not only had the police not received a single shekel of this, but its budget had been cruelly cut.
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Sharon postpones meeting of Likud ministers
By Aluf Benn, Haaretz Correspondent
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon postponed on Saturday a meeting planned for Monday, in which the Likud ministers were to discuss the prime minister's disengagement plan.
The official reason for the postponement was the absence of several of the ministers who are overseas, including Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz.
According to Friday media reports, Sharon was worried of growing opposition to the plan which entails a unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and the evacuation of several West Bank settlements.
Sharon, in recent days, has been considering the possibility of reducing the scope of the plan withdrawing only from the Gaza Strip, and at most from a small number of West Bank settlement. The United States and Egypt both insist on a significant withdrawal from the West Bank, so that the move does not appear as a "Gaza only" plan.
Sharon met representatives of the U.S. administration on Thursday, and discussed the details of the disengagement plan and what Israel would receive in exchange. The three envoys also met Foreign Minister Shalom, the prime minister's bureau chief Dov Weisglass, and National Security Advisor Giora Eiland.
Israel is seeking U.S. recognition of West Bank settlement blocs as well as an "exemption" from holding negotiations with the Palestinian leadership until it cracks down on terrorism.
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Syrian police said to have killed dozens in clashes
By Yossi Melman, Haaretz Correspondent
Syrian security forces killed dozens of people and injured hundred during violent clashes over the weekend, in the north of the country, according to reports that reached Haaretz on Saturday. According to the reports, by relatives of witnesses, the violence started during a soccer game and later spread to demonstrations throughout the Kurdish regions in the country.
Associated Press reports claim at least nine people were killed, although Kurdish sources state the death toll reaches 80. Kurdish sources also claim their forces killed six Syrian officers and three Syrian police officers in the exchange of fire.
According to the Kurdish sources, on Saturday Kurdish insurgents took over most of the Syrian administration buildings in the northern city of Qamishli, on the Turkish border.
The Kurdish sources added that 29 victims were buried on Saturday at a Qamishli cemetery.
According to the reports, on Friday security forces at the soccer game in Qamishli fired live ammunition at the crowd, killing some 30 people.
Shots were also fired from within the crowd, injuring several Syrian officers, including a colonel.
The protests continued on Saturday, with tens of thousands of people demonstrating in Qamishli, populated mainly by Kurds.
Two local hospitals, one private and one governmental, reported hundreds of injuries. The report also claims protestors burned pictures of Syrian President Bashar Assad. Another report claimed demonstrators in the nearby town of Amuda burned an installation of the Syrian security services.
The local Jihad soccer team, comprised of mostly Arab and Kurd players, was playing the Fituwya group from the city of Dar el-Zur, near the Syrian border with Iraq, when Fituwya fans began calling out "long live Saddam Hussein." The Jihad team responded with "long live Barazani" shouts, referring to one of the Kurdish leaders in Iraq.
Clashes ensued between the two camps inside the stadium, which contained some 5,000 people at the time, and three children were trampled to death during the ruckus.
Following the stadium incident, violent demonstrations spread on Friday to other cities in Syria's Kurdish regions. During the protests, signs and slogans slamming Assad's regime as well as the ruling Ba'ath Party were displayed. A demand was also raised for an international investigation into human rights violations during the incident.
Syrian loyalist forces, accompanied by tanks, were sent to the region, and a curfew was imposed in some areas. Efforts were also being made to calm the situation on Saturday. Syrian opposition groups, especially Kurdish ones operating outside the country, were attempting to raise public awareness to the incident, and were planning to hold demonstrations in various European cities.
Friday's incident represents the most violent wave of protests in Syria in recent memory. They follow U.S. threats to take sanctions against Damascus for its support of terror organizations, coupled with American suspicions that Syria is not do all it can to prevent Saddam loyalists from entering Iraq through its border.
Television images of smoke billowing from buildings in the Syrian town of Qamishli. (Al-Arabiya)


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U.N. Nuclear Watchdog Condemns Iran
1 hour, 35 minutes ago
By Louis Charbonneau
VIENNA (Reuters) - The U.N. atomic watchdog condemned Iran on Saturday for withholding sensitive nuclear information, in a resolution that diplomats said left open the option of U.N. sanctions if Tehran did not cooperate.
Reuters Photo
AP Photo
Slideshow: Iran Nuclear Issues
Iran hit back, saying the reason it had suspended U.N. nuclear inspections on Friday was to show its displeasure at the resolution, then in draft form. The inspectors were barred "for the time being," chief nuclear negotiator Hassan Rohani said.
"The reason for postponing the inspectors' visit was the approval of this resolution and we wanted to show that we are not satisfied," said Rohani, who had earlier said the document was "like an ugly demon with dangerous horns and sharp teeth."
The resolution by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) "deplores" Iran's omissions of key atomic technology from an October declaration, including undeclared research on advanced "P2" centrifuges that can make bomb-grade uranium.
It said the board of governors would decide in June how to respond to the omissions -- a clause that several diplomats said keeps the door open for a possible report to the U.N. Security Council and economic sanctions.
The resolution passed after a week of haggling over a tough text drafted by Australia and Canada and backed by Washington, which says Iran is trying to build atomic weapons. European and non-aligned states, Russia and China wanted milder wording.
A compromise was struck after the U.S.-led camp agreed to soften some language, although U.S. ambassador Kenneth Brill said it remained a strong warning to Tehran.
"This information calls for Iran to provide proactive cooperation instead of having information dragged out of it," he told reporters after the meeting.
Iran says its program is for peaceful purposes only.
"DECEPTION AND DELAY"
In remarks prepared for delivery in the closed-door meeting of the IAEA governing board, Brill said: "Iran...is continuing to pursue a policy of denial, deception and delay."
"Is it possible that, even as we meet, squads of Iranian technicians are working at still undeclared sites to tile over, paint over, bury, burn or cart away incriminating evidence so that those sanitized locations can finally be identified to the agency as new evidence of Iran's full cooperation and transparency?" he asked.
The head of Iran's delegation dismissed the resolution as a result of U.S. "diplomacy of force" and pressure on the IAEA.
"A resolution is being imposed...on the board by a single country," Amir Zamaninia, a senior foreign ministry official, said in remarks prepared for the board meeting that approved the resolution.
Zamaninia told reporters the halt to inspections was partly due to Iran's New Year's holiday beginning next week. "Another part is that this resolution was a bad one, a bad resolution," he said. "We need to work in Tehran to try to digest this."
On a more conciliatory note, Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi said Washington had been forced to compromise. "We hope that the remaining ambiguities are resolved and the situation becomes normal so that Iran can use this technology for peaceful purposes," he said.
One of the points the U.S.-led camp had insisted on in the resolution was a paragraph detailing the military connection to Iran's nuclear, but the final version left this out -- a victory for the NAM, Russian and Chinese negotiators.
IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei also voiced cautious optimism.
"I am pretty confident that Iran will understand that we need to go within (our) time schedule and that the decision to delay the inspections will be reviewed and reversed in the next few days," he said.
But Brill called the suspension "very troubling" and said he was concerned this could undermine the effectiveness of the checks once the IAEA returned to Iran.
"That speaks volumes about the intentions of this government in Tehran which says it has pledged full cooperation," he said.
(Additional reporting by Francois Murphy in Vienna and Parinoosh Arami in Tehran)





Iran fury over 'US resolution'
VIENNA: In a clear reference to the US, Iran blasted the UN nuclear watchdog yesterday for letting "a single country" impose a resolution against Tehran's nuclear programme.
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) ended a week-long deadlock yesterday by adopting a US-backed resolution condemning Iran for hiding nuclear activities.
"A resolution is being imposed, and I think I am using the expression with true definition of the word, on the board by a single country," senior foreign ministry official Amir Zamaninia told an IAEA meeting in Vienna, according to a copy of his speech.
Iran imposed yesterday an indefinite freeze on international inspections of its nuclear facilities in protest against a critical resolution passed by the IAEA.
Iran's top nuclear negotiator, Hasan Rowhani, described the IAEA resolution as "unfair and deceitful." Hours earlier, a meeting of the UN agency in Vienna had censured Iran for hiding suspect activities, but praised it for increased nuclear openness.
A senior Western diplomat said the compromise text worked out after non-aligned states sought to soften the resolution was "still an important signal for the Iranians to continue and intensify cooperation" with the IAEA. But Zamaninia said the resolution was "a serious setback" as it portrayed" a rather benign progressive situation as a condition of high alert." He said IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei has already reported "the positive trend of active co-operation by Iran and also a process of resolving issues that is gaining pace exponentially".
The resolution that was adopted came a day after Iran had put off a UN inspection mission until the end of April in what one diplomat close to the IAEA described as "potentially a large problem in the verification process."
But Iranian ambassador to the IAEA Pirooz Hosseini said yesterday that IAEA inspectors could in fact visit Iran earlier than the end of next month.
Hosseini said his country had put back the inspection mission, scheduled to start this week, "due to the approach of the Iranian New Year" but that if people were back in their offices soon after the holiday, which starts next week, then IAEA inspectors could come.
The IAEA, which verifies the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), has since February 2003 been working to determine whether Iran's nuclear programme is peaceful, or devoted to secretly developing atomic weapons, as the United States has charged.
"Today IAEA inspectors were expected to arrive in Iran," Rowhani said. "We will not allow them to come until Iran sets a new date for their visit. This is a protest by Iran in reaction to the resolution."
Asked whether the freeze was indefinite, Rowhani said "yes."
ElBaradei said he was confident Iran would reverse a decision to temporarily suspend inspections of its suspect nuclear facilities.




Iran freezes int'l inspections of nuclear facilities
By The Agencies
TEHRAN - Iran imposed Saturday an indefinite freeze on international inspections of its nuclear facilities in protest against a critical resolution passed by the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Iran's top nuclear negotiator, Hasan Rowhani, described the IAEA resolution as "unfair and deceitful."
Hours earlier, a meeting of the UN agency in Vienna had censured Iran for hiding suspect activities, but praised it for increased nuclear openness.
The head of the UN nuclear watchdog agency said on Saturday he believed Iran would reverse its decision to halt UN inspections of its atomic sites
"I am pretty confident that Iran will understand that we need to go within [our] time schedule and that the decision to delay the inspections will be reviewed and reversed in the next few days," International Atomic Energy Agency [IAEA] chief Mohamed ElBaradei said.
The resolution welcomed Iran's agree to open its facilities to pervasive inspection, but said it "deplores" recent discoveries of uranium enrichment equipment and other suspicious activities that Iran had failed to reveal.
"Today IAEA inspectors were expected to arrive in Iran," Rowhani told a press conference in Tehran. "We will not allow them to come until Iran sets a new date for their visit. This is a protest by Iran in reaction to the passage of the resolution."
Asked whether the freeze was indefinite, Rowhani said "yes."
Under an agreement that Iran signed last year, and which the IAEA resolution welcomed, IAEA inspectors are empowered to inspect Iran's all nuclear facilities at any time and without notice.
Rowhani, who chairs the Supreme National Security Council, made clear this dispensation had been suspended. Asked when IAEA inspectors might visit again, he replied: "It could be less than six weeks. It could be more than six weeks. we have not set a date."
He accused the IAEA board of governors of passing a resolution that failed to take account of Iran's behavior toward the UN agency.
"Iran's comprehensive cooperation with the IAEA has not been properly reflected in the resolution, and there is a big gap between realities on the ground and what is said in the resolution. Unfortunately, the views of nonaligned countries, as well as China and Russia, have not been taken into consideration," Rowhani said.
Nonaligned members of the IAEA are known to have tried to tone down the language of the resolution. Western powers, foremost the United States, wanted to send a strong warning to Iran.
The United States suspects Iran is undertaking a secret program to build nuclear weapons. Iran denies this, argues that its nuclear program is only for the generation of electricity.


--------------------------------------------------------------------
>> QUOTE "The investigation is ongoing and politically sensitive."


For sale: nulcear expertise
Emerging details about a Pakistani scientist's network raise questions about how far it spread sensitive technology - and why authorities didn't stop it sooner
BY DOUGLAS FRANTZ AND JOSH MEYER
Los Angeles Times Service
VIENNA, Austria -- Pakistani scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan presided over a nuclear smuggling operation so brazen that the government weapons laboratory he ran distributed a glossy sales brochure offering sophisticated technology and shipped some of its most sensitive equipment directly from Pakistan to rogue countries such as Libya and North Korea.
The brochure, with photos of Khan and an array of weapons on the cover, listed a complete range of equipment for separating nuclear fuel from uranium. Also for sale were Khan's ''consultancy and advisory services,'' and conventional weapons such as missiles, according to a recently obtained copy of the brochure.
Although Pakistan has stopped Khan, the brochure is among the emerging details of the scope of his enterprise. They raise new questions about how far Khan's network spread nuclear know-how and why authorities didn't move against it sooner.
The extent of the ring remains unknown, and even some of Khan's suppliers might not have known they were involved. Inspectors from the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency and intelligence and law enforcement authorities on three continents are trying to reconstruct what they consider the worst nuclear proliferation network in history, and to dismantle it.
Top diplomats in Vienna and senior U.S. officials say they are urgently trying to determine whether blueprints for a nuclear warhead and designs to build the device, which were sold to Libya, and highly sensitive data and equipment shipped to Iran and North Korea, might have spread beyond those countries. In addition, investigators have not been able to account for much of the equipment the network bought.
''Who knows where it has gone?'' said a senior U.S. intelligence official, who described the Bush administration as deeply worried. ``How many other people are there? How widespread was it, and how much information has spread?''
Questions also are being asked about whether the United States missed opportunities to stop Khan. The Pakistani scientist's full-service nuclear trafficking network operated for nearly two decades, often under the cover of his government lab, even as Western intelligence agencies grew more suspicious of him and senior U.S. officials repeatedly protested to Pakistan.
CIA director George J. Tenet said last month that the agency penetrated elements of the smuggling ring in recent years but needed proof to stop it. Other administration officials and outside experts suggest, however, that at least parts of the enterprise could have been shut down.
''If you have penetrated the system, why not stop it before Libya got the weapons design?'' a senior European diplomat based in Vienna asked. ``There is no limitation on a copying machine.''
The investigation is ongoing and politically sensitive. Among the new details that have emerged:
* Sensitive equipment discovered at nuclear-related sites in Libya carried the name of Khan Research Laboratories, adding to what authorities describe as irrefutable evidence that his center illicitly shared its technology with a country under United Nations sanctions for supporting terrorism.
* Evidence indicates that Khan provided Pakistan's state-of-the-art centrifuge machines to North Korea in the late 1990s. Two Western diplomats described the information as preliminary, but they said it deepens concerns about North Korea's progress in enriching uranium for atomic weapons.
* Authorities at the IAEA last month reopened an investigation of an alleged offer by Khan to sell nuclear technology and a weapons design to Saddam Hussein in 1990. The inquiry started in 1995 with the discovery of memos in Iraq, but it hit a roadblock when Pakistan called the offer a hoax.
CONCERNS WERE RAISED
U.S. intelligence officials and diplomats say they have known the broad outlines of Khan's activities since at least 1995.
Three times from 1998 to 2000, President Clinton raised concerns about nuclear technology leaking from Pakistan to North Korea during private meetings with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and President Pervez Musharraf, the general who replaced him in a 1999 coup.
In each case, President Clinton was assured that these concerns would be looked into and would be dealt with appropriately, recalls Karl Inderfurth, who as assistant secretary of State was Clinton's chief South Asia troubleshooter.
''To my knowledge, we did not receive any satisfactory responses to our concerns. It is now clear the smoke we saw at the time was indeed the fires being set by A.Q. Khan,'' Inderfurth said.
The U.S. concerns were inherited by the Bush administration, and fears escalated after disclosures in late 2001 that two Pakistani nuclear scientists had met twice that year with Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan.
In response to U.S. pressure, Musharraf removed Khan in March 2001 as head of Pakistan's main nuclear weapons laboratory, where he had developed fissile material for atomic weapons as well as long-range missiles. Musharraf continued to deny that nuclear secrets had leaked, and Khan continued to hold international nuclear conferences and to travel widely.
The denials finally collapsed late last year after Iran was forced to open portions of its nuclear program to IAEA inspectors and Libya voluntarily renounced its weapons program.
Although the Iranian disclosures provided strong hints, reams of documents and nuclear hardware turned over to the United States and IAEA by Libya pointed the finger squarely at Khan.
The most alarming documents were blueprints for the nuclear warhead, say diplomats and U.S. officials involved in the process.
The plans were for a warhead developed in the 1960s by China, which provided early help to Pakistan's nuclear program. Two diplomats in Vienna said Khan sold the blueprints to Libya in late 2001 or early 2002 for as much as $20 million.
Inspectors in Libya also found the equipment from Khan's laboratory and components for two generations of Pakistani centrifuges. Diplomats in Vienna said complete versions of the earliest type of centrifuge, known as the P1, were obtained directly from Pakistan and components for the next generation P2, which was faster and more efficient, were manufactured for the network at a Malaysian plant.
CENTRIFUGES' USE
Centrifuges are used to purify uranium for use as fuel for nuclear power plants or to enrich it to high levels for use in bombs. Experts say obtaining highly enriched uranium or other fissile material is the most crucial step in building an atomic weapon.
Weeks before Libya gave up its secrets, Iran had made a more limited disclosure to the IAEA of how it obtained drawings and components for 500 P1 machines through middlemen associated with Khan's network.
Iran acknowledged in January that it also had received plans for the more advanced P2 from Pakistan. Diplomats said Tehran had taken halting steps to develop those machines.
''What the Iranian and Libyan cases did was produce actual items so that you can't deny them,'' said another diplomat in Vienna. ``Until this breakthrough, I don't think anyone had real hard evidence.''
By the time Pakistan was forced to move against Khan, however, Iran had used his technology to develop its own uranium enrichment cycle, moving closer to what the United States says is an effort to build a nuclear bomb. And Libya had the warhead designs for more than a year.
-----------------------------------------------------------------

Poverty and inequality
A question of justice?
Mar 11th 2004
From The Economist print edition
The toll of global poverty is a scandal. But deploring economic "injustice" is no answer
Corbis
HUNDREDS of millions of people in the world are forced to endure lives of abject poverty--poverty so acute that those fortunate enough to live in the United States, or Europe or the rich industrialised parts of Asia can scarcely comprehend its meaning. Surely there is no more commanding moral imperative for people in the West than to urge each other, and their governments, to bring relief to the world's poorest. And what a tragedy it is, therefore, that many of the kind souls who respond most eagerly to this imperative bring to the issue an analytical mindset that is almost wholly counterproductive. They are quite right, these champions of the world's poor, that poverty in an age of plenty is shameful and disgusting. But they are quite wrong to suppose, as so many of them do, that the rich enjoy their privileges at the expense of the poor--that poverty, in other words, is inseparable from a system, capitalism, that thrives on injustice. This way of thinking is not just false. It entrenches the very problem it purports to address.
Symptomatic of this mindset is the widespread and debilitating preoccupation with "global inequality". Whenever the United Nations and its plethora of associated agencies opine about the scandal of world poverty, figures on inequality always pour forth. (Such figures, though, are always higher than the likely reality: see article) It is not bad enough, apparently, that enormous numbers of people have to subsist on less than a dollar a day. The claim that this makes in its own right on the compassion of the West for its fellow men is deemed, apparently, too puny. The real scandal, it seems, is that much of the world is vastly richer than that. The implication, and often enough the explicit claim, is that the one follows from the other: if only we in the West weren't so rich, so greedy for resources, so driven by material ambition--such purblind delinquent capitalists--the problem of global poverty would be half-way to being solved.
Equity at a price
Certain ideas about equality are woven into the fabric of the liberal state, and quite inseparable from it: first and foremost, equality before the law. But equality before the law, and some other kinds of liberal equality, can be universally granted without infringing anybody's rights. Economic equality cannot. A concern to level economic outcomes must express itself as policies that advance one group's interests at the expense of another's. This puts political and ethical limits on how far the drive for economic equality ought to go. (Strictly practical limits, as well, since too noble a determination to take from the rich to give to the poor will end up impoverishing everyone.) It also means that perfect economic equality should never be embraced, even implicitly, as an ideal. Perfect economic equality is a nightmare: nothing short of a totalitarian tyranny could ever hope to achieve it.
The preoccupation bordering on obsession with economic equality that one so often encounters at gatherings of anti-globalists, in the corridors of aid agencies and in socialist redoubts in backward parts of the world reflects a "lump of income" fallacy. This remarkably tenacious misconception is that there is only so much global income to go around. If the United States is consuming $10 trillion worth of goods and services each year, that is $10 trillion worth of goods and services that Africa cannot consume.
But goods and services are not just lying around waiting to be grabbed by the greediest or most muscular countries. Market economics is not a zero-sum game. America consumes $10 trillion worth of goods and services each year because it produces (not counting the current-account deficit of 5% or so of the total) $10 trillion of goods and services each year. Africa could produce and consume a lot more without America producing and consuming one jot less. It so happens that the case for more aid, provided of course that it is well spent, is strong--but the industrialised countries do not need to become any less rich before Africa can become a lot less poor. The wealth of the wealthy is not part of the problem.
To believe otherwise, however, is very much part of the problem. For much of the 20th century the developing countries were held back by an adapted socialist ideology that put global injustice, inequality and victimhood front and centre. Guided by this ideology, governments relied on planning, state monopolies, punitive taxes, grandiose programmes of public spending, and all the other apparatus of applied economic justice. They also repudiated liberal international trade, because the terms of global commerce were deemed exploitative and unfair. Concessions (that is, permission to retain trade barriers) were sought and granted in successive negotiating rounds of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. A kind of equity was thus deemed to have been achieved. The only drawback was that the countries stayed poor.
Towards the end of the century, many developing countries--China and India among them--finally threw off this victim's mantle and began to embrace wicked capitalism, both in the way they organised their domestic economies and in their approach to international trade. All of a sudden, they are a lot less poor, and it hasn't cost the West a cent. In Africa, too, minds are now changing, but far more slowly. Perhaps that has something to do with the chorus that goes up from Africa's supposed friends in the West, telling the region that its plight is all the fault of global inequality, "unfair trade" and an intrinsically unjust market system.
Heed the call
People and their governments in the West should heed the call of compassion, and respond with policies to help the world's poor, and indeed to advance the opportunities of the (much less desperately) poor in their own countries. Expressed that way, the egalitarian impulse is a good thing, worth nurturing. But a compassionate regard for the poor, as any good Marxist will tell you, is a very different thing from a zeal for economic "justice". That zeal, despite the exemplary fate of the socialist experiment at the end of the 20th century, guides a great deal of thinking still. And it continues to do nothing but harm.
Copyright ? 2004 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved.


Posted by maximpost at 8:23 PM EST
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Welfare Mouse

How Michael Eisner succeeded in turning Disney into the subsidized kingdom

RiShawn Biddle



Michael Eisner doesn't have a whole lot going for him these days. First he endured Walt Disney Co. heir Roy E. Disney's effort to push him out as Chief Mousketeer, then cable giant Comcast Corp.'s attempt to snap up the Walt Disney Co. on the cheap. Then last week came the annual meeting, where a record 43 percent of shareholders voted against keeping him as chairman of the board. He promptly resigned the post, but still maintains control of the unhappiest place on earth--for now.

Whatever eventually happens to Eisner, one thing is assured: He has helped Disney achieve a place as one of its biggest beneficiaries in the annals of corporate welfare.

Scrooge McDuck would be proud. Few have panhandled for taxpayer dollars as successfully as Disney during Eisner's reign. It has received at least $4.5 billion in subsidies, low-interest loans, land grants and "joint venture" investments from governments in Florida, Pennsylvania and Hong Kong. It even managed to get a handout from the French government--not exactly a fan of things American--which sold 4,800 acres just outside of Paris to Disney at a 90 percent discount so the company could build Euro Disneyland.

Disney has gotten even sweeter deals closer to its home base in Southern California. In Glendale, just a short trip from its Burbank headquarters, Disney's 125-acre Imagineering campus and studio development is being financed with the help of the city's redevelopment agency. Further away in Anaheim--home of Disneyland--the company got the city fathers to fork over another $550 million on new roadways and create a special tax district in exchange for building its now-floundering California Adventure park.

It has even become adept at getting financial help from Washington in the indirect form of copyright protection. To keep Mickey Mouse, Pluto and other characters out of the public domain, it successfully lobbied Congress for the Sonny Bono Act, which extended the life of its copyrights from life plus 50 years to life plus 70--restraining free speech in the process. Funny since Beauty and the Beast and Aladdin draw heavily from works that have long ago become fodder for public use.

Disney doesn't exactly need the welfare cheese. Last year, it generated $27 billion in revenues from its sprawling collection of studios, theme parks, and television channels. But Eisner has admitted some of its projects wouldn't work out as stand-alone private sector operations. "Disney's America wasn't economically viable without government subsidies," he wrote about one such plan in Work in Progress, his 1998 biography.

The company has been able to wrangle subsidies through promises of revitalizing communities, along with the mystique that comes with being in the House of Mouse. Helping out, of course, is the penchant for city officials to hand over the treasury for any hare-brained scheme. "It's the pixie-dust factor," said Rollins College Professor Richard Foglesong, the author of the aptly-titled Married to the Mouse, which chronicles Disney's dealings in Florida.

When it announced it was looking to build a second theme park in California, Disney used promises of economic improvement to get officials in Anaheim and Long Beach to offer it sweet subsidy packages (Anaheim won.). To garner subsidies for an indoor theme park project in Philadelphia, it even convinced then-Mayor Edward Rendell, now governor of Pennsylvania, to co-star in a promotional video, in which he bounds around with Goofy. It worked.

With his penchant for micromanaging, Eisner dons the mouse ears of chief rainmaker for the big projects. During Disney's failed effort to build an American history-themed amusement park near the Bull Run battle site in Manassas, Va., Eisner worked with then-Gov. George Allen to get a $160 million package of subsidies and "tourism marketing" dollars through the state legislature. When it had to back out of the project after outcry from historians and local residents, Eisner flew to Richmond to tell the governor the bad news.

Disney had certainly done some wheeling and dealing with government officials before Eisner came along. To get Walt Disney World off the ground in 1967, it convinced Florida officials to create the Reedy Creek Improvement District under the premise that it would develop a residential community, according to Foglesong in Married to the Mouse. That concept, called EPCOT, wound up being just a golf ball-shaped attraction at the theme park. But Reedy Creek remained, shielding Disney from local land use laws enacted by Osceola and Orange counties, in which sprawls the district and Disney World.

After Eisner took over in 1984, the company began to garner more generous subsidies. In 1989, it got $57 million in bond money that was originally slated by Orange County for affordable housing projects, then got $57 million more a few years later to finance a turnpike extension that leads straight onto Disney property--and nowhere near that county's boundary line.

These deals have worked out for Disney. For the municipalities themselves? A mouse trap. Disney abandoned the Philadelphia project in 2001 after years of delays, leaving the city on the hook for $55 million, according to one estimate. In January, Osceola County issued bonds to repay $35 million to Disney's Reedy Creek for guaranteeing bonds on the turnpike extension on Disney's property.

Now with Eisner's future in question, Disney may end up losing its key tool in getting more taxpayer dollars. But it'll probably be okay in that department. Besides its name and its own group of lobbyists, it also has its new chairman, George Mitchell, to step in and help bring in more subsidies. After all, if the former Senate Majority Leader can bring peace to Northern Ireland, he can probably get Mickey more cheese.



RiShawn Biddle, Reason's Burton Gray Memorial Intern in 1999 and the proprietor of www.rishawnbiddle.com, has written for Forbes and The Weekly Standard.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

For the Want of a Bra

The Senate Commerce Committee vs. Free Speech

Nick Gillespie





For the want of a bra, free speech was lost.

Well, not exactly, but if the recent actions by the U.S. Senate's powerful Commerce Committee are any indication, the future of free speech may be hanging by threads as sheer as the ones in a Victoria's Secret mesh babydoll.

The Washington Post reports that the Commerce Committee is paving "the way for a broad crackdown on offensive radio and television programming, including extending stiff fines to artists, limiting violence and temporarily preventing broadcasters from owning more stations until potential links between media consolidation and indecency on the airwaves can be studied."

The Senate committee followed the lead of its counterpart in the House of Representatives and has agreed to increase fines for "indecency." If things go Congress' way, first-time offenses by broadcasters will draw a maximum fine of $275,000, or 10 times the current amount. The per-incident fines will then increase to as much as $500,000. Going beyond restrictions being developed by the House, the Senate committee is also pushing to double all fines if the offending material is "scripted or planned in advance, or if the audience [is] unusually large" (no more Super Bowl botch jobs, thank you). On top of all that, the committee wants the Federal Communications Commission to set rules disallowing "violent" shows when kids are likely to be listening or watching. And then there's that moratorium on the loosened ownership caps passed last year until the General Accounting Office nails down the specifics of the "relationship between indecent programming and media consolidation."

The good news? The committee voted down, by a slimmer-than-slim 12-11 vote, a provision that would have given the FCC the right to regulate the content of basic cable and satellite programs in the same way it does TV and radio broadcasts.

So it turns out that the outraged pols and social critics were absolutely right when they fumed that Janet Jackson's notorious Super Bowl half-time show nipple-baring really did drive some Americans stark raving nuts. It's just that they were talking about themselves more than the population at large, which seems mostly willing to move on (after all, there's a new season of the violence-and-sex-drenched The Sopranos to catch). But for all too many members of America's political and chattering classes, beholding the slutty songstress's galvanized areola was the psychic equivalent of staring directly into a total eclipse of the sun, blinding them with indignation, outrage, and national shame.

Of course, the Nasty Girl didn't inspire such righteous apoplexy all on her own. She's had help over the past few months from "categorically indecent" Victoria's Secret lingerie shows; the foul-mouthed award-show ejaculations of U2's Bono; the verboten utterances of public radio monologuist, middle-aged housewife, and admitted knitter Sandra Tsing Loh; and the unmediated racism of Howard Stern callers, among others.

How seriously should we take any of this new congressional and regulatory activity? Given the unprecedented level of free expression we have and the ineffectiveness of past regulatory schemes such as the V-chip and past threats of content crackdowns from elected officials, it's easy to laugh off these latest legislative efforts. At best, they represent election-year pandering and, at worst, they will act as a minor drag on an unstoppable culture boom that gives all of us greater and greater opportunities to produce and consume more and more media.

Yet as Buzzmachine's Jeff Jarvis reminds us, "Once the government gets in the business of content [regulation]...then there is no stopping them. Slide down that slippery slope. Today, Howard Stern is offensive. Tomorrow, Sandra Tsing Loh on knitting is. Tomorrow, they try to regulate cable and not just broadcast. The next day, they go over the Internet (where, after all, there's lots of dirty, nasty, offensive stuff). This isn't about Howard. It's about you." If Jarvis seems a bit overanxious, it's worth remembering that it's only been a few years since the federal government almost succeeded in applying stultifying content regulation to the Internet. And it's only been a few decades since such obscene garbage as Lady Chatterley's Lover, Tropic of Cancer, and Fanny Hill (among others) were fully cleared for publication in these United States.

I'm far more confident than Jarvis that audiences and producers will always be able to route around censorship and regulations, especially the relatively mild sort of restrictions that would eventually pass constitutional and popular muster. This is especially true because technology continues to make it harder for all sorts of suppression. But he's right to emphasize the underlying logic behind the sorts of legislation and policy that are making the rounds in Washington, D.C. Just because censorship is unlikely to work is no reason not to stand against it in the first place. And in the second and third place, too.



Nick Gillespie is Reason's editor-in-chief.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Meet Hizbollah

The Party of God's MP talks about Islam, Iraq, and the war on terror. A Reason interview

Tim Cavanaugh



Mohammed Fneish is a Hizbollah (Party of God) representative in Lebanon's parliament. Fneish represents the Bint Jbeil district. He spoke with reason late last year at Hizbollah's office in Beirut.



reason: Hizbollah's originally stated mission was to drive the Israeli military out of south Lebanon. The Israelis have been gone for four years. What do you see as your purpose now?

Mohammed Fneish: It's true that Hizbollah began as a resistance movement, and it still is. In the process of carrying out our mission we've been able to build foundations that met the society's educational and social needs--and even political needs, by participating in elections.

It's true that Israel left parts of Lebanon's territory, but not all of it. It also hasn't stopped its attacks on Lebanon. Lebanon's problem from the beginning has not been a local one only. Its troubles have been nourished by the conflict with Israel, and that has created an ongoing national security problem for us. For as long as there is no security in the region, Lebanon will never be at peace. We can't take lightly the need for our organization.

reason: Saddam Hussein brutally repressed the Shi'a Muslims in Iraq--your co-religionists. Now that he's gone, the Shi'ites have more freedom than they've had in 20 years. Why does Hizbollah remain so strongly opposed to the U.S. mission in Iraq?

Fneish: The party has nothing to do with Iraq. The party had an opinion on Iraq, as did every other group--the whole world had an opinion about Iraq. And in general, the majority of opinion around the world opposed the war, because people were not convinced by the reasons given. And as has been proven, all of these reasons given by the American administration were false. Of course, before he attacked Kuwait, Saddam received much support from the U.S. In general, nobody is sorry to see Saddam go. His regime was unjust, harsh, and homicidal.

But we have to distinguish between whether Saddam was overthrown for the good of the Iraqi people or for the good of American ambitions.

In terms of the new situation in Iraq, that's the Iraqis' responsibility. But we would like to ensure and protect international laws. The occupation shouldn't go on, but more important, the U.S. shouldn't act apart from the international community. And the current occupation shouldn't go on at all without the will of the Iraqi people. In the end, only they can decide their future, and their political system.

reason: Does Hizbollah have any contact with the resistance fighters in Iraq?

Fneish: No. The party has an opinion on the U.S. occupation, but it is up to the Iraqi people to determine how to react to that presence. Do they want to throw roses on them? Rocks? Whatever they decide, that's their right. We as Hizbollah have nothing to do with what other nations do. We can't be a resistance party for other nations. We only represent our own people and country. Other than that, it's not our business.

reason: The resistance in Iraq has been extraordinarily violent toward the Shi'ites.

Fneish: This is absolutely unacceptable. I've been speaking about resistance, but I did not mention anything about tactics or principles. I'm not speaking about murdering Iraqis, aiming at government organizations, or killing civilians. That is not resistance, and it's not legitimate.

reason: So you say the party has not been providing any assistance--financial or military--to the resistance in Iraq?

Fneish: None at all. Anybody who says so, let him show some proof. The party's primary mission is to resist the Israeli occupation.

reason: Hizbollah is widely viewed in the United States as a potent anti-American force. Can you imagine ever having better relations with the U.S.?

Fneish: The party is not against the United States. To be clear: The American administration has sided with Israel and makes false accusations against Hizbollah. We don't have any problem with the United States other than its position on Israel. We have not attacked the United States. We grew up with the Israeli occupation in Lebanon, so we formed a resistance movement. The U.S. considered that movement an opponent of the United States. Just to be clear, I'm speaking of the American administration, not the American people. Our problem is with the American political decision to side with Israel and oppose our people and our concerns. The future of our relationship with the United States depends on a change in American policies; if there's ever a change, we have no problem with the United States.

reason: Do you seek to improve relations with the U.S.?

Fneish: In the near future, I don't think it's possible for relations to improve. There is a very unnatural conflict. We're resisting an occupation, and the U.S. wants to stop the resistance rather than the occupation. We're trying to liberate our land and the U.S. supports Israel in taking our land. So how is an improvement in relations possible?

reason: Do you consider the United States hostile toward you?

Fneish: Of course. The United States is totally against us, but it's the United States that decided to take that position. That position isn't only against Hizbollah. Look around the entire Arab and Islamic world. What's the proportion of people who believe the U.S. is hostile toward them and undermines their concerns? But Hizbollah is an active force, and that's why there's a particularly heavy American hand against us. Because what is Hizbollah's crime? That we stood up to Israel and didn't let Israel achieve its goals in Lebanon? That we caused Israel its first defeat? Is that all of our crime?

reason: Right now the United States is fighting against terrorist groups of global reach and anybody affiliated with them.

Fneish: The claim that Hizbollah has relations with any other group is a lie--among many other lies, all aiming to taint the image of the resistance and to distort the facts. There is a problem here, and that is called occupation. Where is the evidence of Hizbollah's having a role with anybody in any activities outside our conflict with Israel?

It's easy to make accusations. If we want to total up all the lies the United States has told about Iraq alone, it's a huge sum. So any language that doesn't depend on proof is just an accusation. These accusations are part of a hostile agenda involving media and politics.

reason: Do you try to do anything to change that opinion?

Fneish: Of course, we try as much as we can.

reason: Current U.S. policy would seem to be good for Shi'a Muslims. The overthrow of Saddam has freed the Shi'ites in Iraq, and the U.S. is also opposing Osama bin Laden, whose group considers Shi'ites heretics. Even if you disagree with or suspect the motives of the United States, wouldn't you have to agree that these policies have been helping your fellow Shi'ites?

Fneish: The United States is trying to take advantage of all the mistakes in the Muslim world to benefit itself. The U.S. gives itself the right to attack other countries and bypass all international laws. We can recognize that there is a certain political regime that is dangerous. But nobody has the right to appoint himself the world's police force. If the U.S. really wants to face terrorism, then it has to define terrorism. Because there's a difference between terrorism and resistance, but the U.S. never wants to see a distinction.

The other thing is that initially, when Osama bin Laden was serving its agenda against the Soviet Union, the U.S. was in accord with him. Back then the U.S. had no problem with how bin Laden thought about the Shi'a, or about Muslims, or about people in general.

So we need to clarify what you said in your question: We cannot separate the motives from the actions. As a man of principle, I see the American administration doing the same thing bin Laden was doing. Bin Laden wants to bring back the law of the jungle, and the United States is trying to bring it back with him. This does not help humanity.

Are the Americans a human rights organization trying to serve the rights of the people in the region? Of course not; even they're not claiming that. They're establishing a new empire in the world. Why haven't the prisoners in Guantanamo received trials? There are laws of civilization, and the United States is breaking all of them.

reason: What about relations with Israel? You've conducted complicated negotiations over exchanging prisoners with the Israelis. Would you be willing to negotiate with them on other matters?

Fneish: The party has its own belief and its own founding vision. Israel was formed at the expense of the Palestinian people and their rights. For us, this existence is immoral and illegitimate, because it creates great hardship and suffering for a downtrodden people. And all this is so Europeans can ease their own guilt about what they did to the Jews. So indirectly, the Europeans are the cause of the Palestinians' suffering. Of course, not all of this was done for moral reasons; there was also a predetermined political plan for the region. Therefore, as long as the Palestinian people can't go back to their land, there will be a problem in the region. So for sure, Hizbollah can't have relations with an entity formed out of crimes against other people.

We are seeing negotiations and discussions. Despite all the circumstances, the Arabs have always tried to negotiate, but those efforts have always been ridiculed and undermined. All we see are more settlements, more hostility, more evictions, and more destruction of homes.

reason: It sounds like you could never have normal relations with Israel under any circumstances.

Fneish: We as a party have our own opinion and our own role. Our views are for the interest of the whole country, and we oppose any relations. But we're only speaking for the party; the government speaks for itself.

reason: When you say you oppose, do you oppose Israel's existence, or just having relations?

Fneish: Both.

reason: Would you continue to fight Israel just on the basis of that existence?

Fneish: That's another issue. We're trying to make Israel step back as an enemy that is attacking us. We fought the Israelis only on Lebanese soil. Before we talk about fighting their existence, there is a problem here. There's a Zionist project. Let's be realistic. It's clear there is a Zionist mentality, which is clannish, sectarian, and belligerent.

I didn't say I want to fight Israel on the basis of its existence. I spoke of a position. There is a difference. If today a country in the world occupied another country, and I said that country is aggressive and I want nothing to do with that country, that doesn't mean I want to fight that country. The subject of war is a different thing. But nobody can force me to say that country is legitimate.

reason: Lebanon is a pretty permissive society, where people drink alcohol, women do whatever they want, people wear whatever they want, and so on. Would you like to change that?

Fneish: In Lebanon there is freedom. We respect the freedom of the Lebanese, and the freedom of any people. We have our own views about personal conduct, but those views concern us. We try to convince others of our views, but we don't impose them on anybody. It's our right to try to persuade others of our views, but it's also the right of others to share their own views and opinions.

But that does not mean that if we disagree we will resort to imposing our views. For example, right now people see us as dominant in a particular region of the country. Did we impose our way of living on anybody? You see in the [majority Shi'ite] suburbs of Beirut those who are committed and those who are not. You find women with hijabs and others without, and we have no problem with that.

reason: If you could, would you establish an Islamic state in Lebanon?

Fneish: Nobody can force a political system on a society that doesn't have the characteristics proper for that system. Lebanon is a country with freedoms and a variety of ways of living. We respect that variety and we live with it. The Lebanese political system will reflect that variety. We can exchange views on what we believe, but not once has our party said it wants to create an Islamic political system in Lebanon. All we ask for is a government that has the principles I've mentioned: respect for people's freedom, justice, equality, and leadership that express the will of the people.

reason: Gibran Tueni, the editor of al-Nahar newspaper, commented to me recently that Hizbollah always says it won't establish an Islamic state by force, but doesn't rule out establishing one through political means.

Fneish: Today in Lebanon there are native people of Christian origin. There are 18 different religions. Inside each of these, different political groups support different views, political programs, and agendas. We are one of these groups. It's possible that we differ from these others in our commitment to what we believe in as Muslims. But the way we deal with our society is not by aiming to force Islam on anybody, or to bypass reality. In the society of Lebanon, with all its freedoms, could I stop a Christian from converting to Islam, or a Muslim from converting to Christianity? Nobody could. Could I stop anybody from agreeing with Hizbollah's views? Nobody could. The government does not come from above the people. It comes up from the people. We don't have any plan for an Islamic government because a government can't be separated from its people.

reason: What did you think of Afghanistan, where the Taliban did force their system on the country?

Fneish: The Taliban movement was the greatest threat to Islam. In their way of understanding, believing, and practicing, they were very bad for Islam. We were never in accord with them or their beliefs.

reason: If you had agreed with their way of practicing Islam, would you have favored their way of running the country?

Fneish: No, that's not possible. To agree with them on practices is one thing. To agree with them on forcing your authority is another. Authority does not exist without the will of the people. And beyond that, their understanding, their school of Islam, was not true.

reason: So in your opinion, there is no country where an Islamic political system has been forced on the people?

Fneish: Let me tell you something. Today there are Islamic nations and political systems, for sure. And there are, worldwide, very few political systems that reflect the will of the people. In my opinion, among the Islamic governments, only the system in Iran came as an expression of the will of the people. This is a system that I agree with to a large degree, in my principles and in my thoughts and beliefs. But I don't agree necessarily with all the political and administrative decisions in Iran.

reason: What do you think when you see how many Lebanese consider your group a threat to the country? In the place where I'm staying, everybody seemed pretty nervous when I told them I was interviewing somebody from Hizbollah.

Fneish: Where are you staying?

reason: In the Koura [a majority Orthodox Christian region in North Lebanon].

Fneish: (Laughs) The Koura! I thought people were a little more open up there.

There are responsibilities on both sides. We have a responsibility to be clear with people about who we are. It's possible that in the beginning the nature of our situation kept us from being open with the media. We did not have a media presence and weren't interested in having it, because our mission in the beginning was very hard. More recently, we have come to recognize the importance of being out there: We have seats in the parliament, a media presence, and a political presence. I tell you, those who read and who communicate with us can find out what they want to know.

But we ask of others that they not form a premature opinion of us that never changes. Because how did that opinion form? Did it form by communicating with us or reading our literature? It's possible that this opinion was formed by listening only to propaganda or rumors. You know how rumors go around in Lebanon; and we had a pretty unusual war here. Things are much better today.

reason: Hizbollah has close relations with Iran. Based on recent developments and statistics, it seems the Islamic movement in Iran has run out of steam. The economy is weak; the people are expressing a lot of dissatisfaction, and the government is using harsher means to control dissent. Do you think there's a future in this model of politics?

Fneish: There was a horrendous war forced on Iran. The system never had a chance to function under normal conditions. Look at the United States: After September 11, you came up with all sorts of new laws and emergency procedures to address the threat. Iran had 10 years of war, and 15 years of being surrounded by enemies. Of course that has an effect on the country.

Despite that--and I don't want to get too deeply into this because ultimately this is the business only of the Iranian people, and they're the ones who have to decide their own future--what I see is that there hasn't been a single election in Iran that failed to take place, even during the war. I see many different newspapers publishing. Today in Iran, all sides are having discussions. There are agreements and disagreements, obviously. There is no ideal system in the world. It's possible that the Iranian people have complaints--or, not to generalize, let's say some of the Iranian people have complaints, and ambitions for faster improvements. That is their right, but the way to get to that is through democratic and peaceful solutions, and not by demolishing the system. You can't blame everything on the system.

reason: There aren't many success stories among the Muslim countries, particularly in the Arab world. What do you think of a country like Malaysia, a majority Muslim country that has enjoyed a lot of economic success? What do they have that Syria or Jordan doesn't?

Fneish: Every nation has its own circumstances. A nation has its own history, culture, and traditions. Malaysia for sure has set a great example, and provides proof that progress isn't limited to a certain type of country or religion. All nations have the capacity for improvement, but sometimes they lack the right programs, the right politics. It's unfair to compare Malaysia to any of other Islamic countries, because the circumstances differ.

In general, Islamic countries have not had political freedom and have mismanaged their resources. The policies in most countries have not promoted an active population. In the countries you mentioned, the situation has been worse because of the conflict with Israel.

reason: By most accounts, Hizbollah is good at providing public services--schools, hospitals, orphanages, and so on--that the government has failed to provide. What is the difference now that you're working from inside the government?

Fneish: There was a war in Lebanon when the party started providing these services. There was not a functioning government, and you couldn't wait for the government to get back on its feet to start fixing the problem. So as much as possible the party responded to the people's needs.

However, that doesn't eliminate the need for government services. In any democracy, the civil society has an important role. The vision that the government does everything for the people is the wrong vision. The government should be taking a limited role in social services. It's human nature that people will help each other out, but when the government takes control of providing social services, people lose that instinct. We're an organization like many in Lebanon that provide services. We didn't add anything new; we just responded to a situation.

reason: What is Hizbollah's view on Syria's military presence in Lebanon, and its involvement in Lebanon's political affairs?

Fneish: I'm not going to recite all the historical stages of the war. Let us start with the Ta'if agreement [that ended Lebanon's civil war]. According to the Ta'if, Syria would end its occupation when the boundaries of Lebanon were secure. Israel's withdrawal from the south of Lebanon didn't happen according to the Ta'if but because they were forced out. Internal security never happened in Lebanon. All that affected the Ta'if schedule. Today, this has become a matter between Lebanon and Syria. There is a government in Lebanon; the government decides with whom it wants to have relations. The Syrian presence was, for sure, a consequence of the internal situation in Lebanon and the conflict with Israel. When these situations end, Syria will not stay another day. There is no disagreement on this point. At any rate, if you go today from North to South, you won't find any Syrian checkpoints in Lebanon.

reason: Was Hizbollah involved in the bombing of the Marines' barracks in Beirut in 1983?

Fneish: Our group wasn't even formed until 1985. There were many groups active in Lebanon in 1983.

reason: How do you pronounce the name of your organization? People say HizBOLLah and HizbollAH. Which one is correct?

Fneish: (Laughs) Whichever way it comes out of your mouth, we'll accept it.

More Reason interviews

Tim Cavanaugh is Reason's Web editor.


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