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BULLETIN
Wednesday, 28 January 2004

>> NATIVES ARE RESTLESS...WAIT FOR KOFI?

Iraqi whispers mull repeat of 1920s revolt
By HANNAH ALLAM and TOM LASSETER
Knight Ridder Newspapers
BAGHDAD, Iraq - Whispers of "revolution" are growing louder in Baghdad this month at teahouses, public protests and tribal meetings as Iraqis point to the past as an omen for the future.
Iraqis remember 1920 as one of the most glorious moments in modern history, one followed by nearly eight decades of tumult. The bloody rebellion against British rule that year is memorialized in schoolbooks, monuments and mass-produced tapestries that hang in living rooms.
Now, many say there's an uncanny similarity with today: unpopular foreign occupiers, unelected governing bodies and unhappy residents eager for self-determination. The result could be another bloody uprising.
"We are now under occupation, and the best treatment for a wound is sometimes fire," said Najah al Najafi, a Shiite cleric who joined thousands of marchers at a recent demonstration where construction workers, tribal leaders and religious scholars spoke of 1920.
The rebellion against the British marked the first time that Sunni and Shiite Muslims worked in solidarity, drawing power from tribesmen and city dwellers alike. Though Shiites, Sunnis and ethnic minorities are rivals in the new Iraq, many residents said the recent call for elections could draw disparate groups together. A smattering of Sunnis joined massive Shiite protests last week, demanding that U.S. administrators grant the wishes of the highest Shiite cleric for general elections.
Grand Ayatollah Ali al Husseini al Sistani has been unbending in his demand for direct elections instead of U.S. plans to select a new government through caucuses. At the request of L. Paul Bremer, the American envoy to Iraq, and several members of the U.S.-appointed Governing Council, the United Nations is sending a team to Iraq to study the feasibility of holding elections in time for the transition of power this summer.
Sistani's representatives expect widespread civil disobedience and violence if elections are deemed impossible.
"They know what will happen if they do not listen to us," said Sabah al Khazali, a religious scholar who joined last week's demonstrations. "They know this is a warning."
The historic rebellion has broad resonance. A band of anti-American insurgents has named itself the "1920 Revolution Brigades," and Sistani himself, in a newspaper advertisement this month, asked Iraq's influential tribes to remember that year.
"We want you to be revolutionaries ... you should have a big role today, as you had in the revolution in 1920," the ad said.
Elderly tribal leaders recently discussed revolution amid plumes of incense smoke and the gurgle of tobacco-filled water pipes. Many men on the 50-member Independent Iraqi Tribes council proudly claimed ancestors who rose against the British in 1920. They likewise would join a revolt if Sistani and other clerics gave the word, they said.
History writers are less kind in their assessment of the rebellion's outcome. In 1920, the League of Nations awarded Britain the new mandate of Iraq as part of secret deals made during World War I. Just six months into British rule, Iraqi opposition was growing. After the unrest deteriorated into three months of death and anarchy, the British plucked an Arab nationalist fighter from exile in the United Kingdom and installed him as king. The monarchy lasted until 1958, when a military coup turned Iraq into a republic.
To many Iraqis, today's U.S. occupation reads like an old play with modern characters: America as the new Britain, grenade-lobbing insurgents as the new opposition, and Ahmad Chalabi and other former exiles on the Governing Council as the new kings.
"We've sacrificed many martyrs and we would do it again," said Sheik Khamis al Suhail, the secretary of the tribal council. "In 1920, we faced a struggle between Muslims and non-Muslims in Iraq. We are living under basically the same conditions now, and revolution is certainly possible."

Iraqi Shiites, who make up 60 percent of the country's population of 26 million, look to Sistani for leadership.
"If Sistani called for revolution, I would sacrifice my life for the good of my country," said Hamdiya al Niemi, a 27-year-old street vendor whose father raised her on stories of the 1920 uprising. "My father was so proud talking about that time, how we kicked out the British and how we should never allow foreigners to rule our land."
The al Hamdani tribe, with thousands of members across Iraq, provided key organizers of the 1920 revolt. These days, the family name is linked to the cream-filled confections sold at the popular al Hamdani pastry shops throughout Baghdad.
Yaser al Hamdani, a 28-year-old tribe member whose great-uncle fought in the revolution, said he'd give up his job in the steaming bakery for a rebellion.
"Of course I would join," Hamdani said. "There would be bloodshed along the way, but sacrifice is important for success."

------------------------------------------------
U.S. battling al-Qaida cell in Fallujah
By HANNAH ALLAM and TOM PENNINGTON
Knight Ridder Newspapers
A soldier detains an Egyptian al Qaida associate during an early morning raid in Fallujah, Iraq. Soldiers with the 10th Mountain Division arrested three suspected al Qaida associates that have been involved in the sale and delivery of SA-7 (surface-to-air) missile systems in Fallujah. Tom Pennington / Fort Worth Star-Telegram
FALLUJAH, Iraq - The U.S. military is fighting to uproot a suspected cell of Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida terror network in the staunchly anti-American town of Fallujah, a military official said Thursday.
Two Egyptians and an Iraqi, all believed to be couriers among al-Qaida terrorists and financiers, were arrested Sunday in a Fallujah apartment building where slogans supporting bin Laden were written across a wall in sheep's blood.
Capt. Scott Kirkpatrick, of the Army's 10th Mountain Division, who led the raid, said the men were found with al-Qaida literature and photos of bin Laden, believed to be the mastermind of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks that killed roughly 3,000 people.
Kirkpatrick said the U.S. military doesn't know how big the al-Qaida cell in Fallujah is, "but it exists and we are making some very, very serious inroads into depleting it."

Since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, foreign fighters in Fallujah have joined forces with Iraqi insurgents to attack U.S. troops and intimidate locals considered collaborators with the U.S.-led coalition.
Two policemen and a civilian were killed Thursday at a highway checkpoint outside the city. On Wednesday, a bus carrying Iraqis home from work at a nearby U.S. military base came under fire, leaving four women dead and six wounded.
U.S. military officials said such attacks were likely the joint efforts of al-Qaida Islamist fighters, locally known as the "mujahedeen," and diehard loyalists to former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, who was a secular leader. U.S. intelligence officials say there was little or no cooperation between al-Qaida and Saddam's regime before the invasion. But they say some Muslim militants have entered Iraq, mostly from Syria, since Baghdad fell, in a quest to kill Americans and Muslims who assist the United States.
Kirkpatrick said he couldn't divulge intelligence that links the men arrested in the raid to the terror group. All three were under interrogation at an undisclosed location. He said several other al-Qaida associates have been detained in recent raids, which often have turned up sophisticated communication devices and weapons caches.
Information from Iraqi sources and U.S. Special Forces led to Sunday's raid of the three-story apartment building, which residents said American troops have visited at least twice before.
A Knight Ridder photographer was present as soldiers conducting "Operation Owls" sawed through a metal gate outside the complex, stormed the building and arrested the three men - two in separate apartments and one in a courtyard office. No shots were fired and no injuries were reported.
The families of all three men were in the building during the raid. The wife of one of them tried to persuade soldiers that her husband was innocent. She refused money that Kirkpatrick offered to repair a damaged door.
"You have the wrong man. My husband, he is Egyptian!" the woman pleaded in English.
By Thursday, the raided apartments were padlocked, and the wives and children had left to stay with relatives in other cities, residents said.
Neighbors identified the arrested Egyptians as Khairi Khalifa, a middle-aged man who had fought in a non-Iraqi Arab unit of Saddam's Fedayeen militia, and Amer Turqi, a 56-year-old Islamic hardliner who owns two popular downtown restaurants. The Iraqi was known only as Abu Thaa and worked as a maintenance man for the building, they said.
Esam Abdullah Abbas, 31, has known the three men for nearly eight years. He said he's participated in peaceful anti-American demonstrations with the Egyptians - activities he believes were the motivation for a raid on his apartment two months ago. Chipped doorways and broken locks are visible remnants of the earlier search of his home.
Abbas said Fallujah residents are aware of the presence of foreign fighters, most likely from al-Qaida, but he doubted whether his neighbors were part of the network.
"We are loud in opposing the American presence, so we expect these raids any time," Abbas said. "When I heard boots in the hallway Sunday night, I thought my time had come. When they left, I found out my friends were gone."
In recent weeks, he said, foreign Islamists have tightened their grip on Fallujah, threatening the owners of music stores for selling American pop, salons where unveiled women have their hair styled, boutiques with revealing clothes in windows and carpentry shops that sell wood to coalition contractors. Because the foreigners aid local fighters, who enjoy widespread support, residents seldom report the threats and almost never disobey the orders.
"Fallujah is controlled by two powers - the Americans and the mujahedeen," Abbas said. "If we cooperate with the mujahedeen, we get raided. If we cooperate with the Americans, we get killed."
In a narrow alley in Fallujah's historic woodworking district, Abdul Kareem Majed surveyed the soot-covered remains of his carpentry shop, which burned to the ground when a homemade explosive was tossed inside late Wednesday night. No one was injured in the bombing, but Majed said Arab men with foreign accents had warned him about selling supplies to contractors working for the coalition.

"I'm 100 percent sure Iraqis didn't do this to me," Majed said, as workers carted off melted metal shelves and charred furniture. "The foreigners threaten everybody, and there's nothing we can do. Our borders are open."
More tales of foreign intimidation came from Hassan Hamad, whose downtown music shop is adorned with posters of scantily clad Arab and American singers, as well as signs advertising the latest arrivals in resistance music that preaches against the American occupation of Iraq.
Twice in the past month, Hamad said, he found rolled-up leaflets wedged in his doorway when he arrived for work. The papers call for "emergency action" for the overhaul of his store, which the unknown writers said should stock only taped Quran verses and songs supportive of the mujahedeen.
"The message was: Close your shop or we will blow it up," Hamad said. "So far, they've only written these threats. I guess I'll just have to see whether they carry them out."
In another part of Iraq, the area from Tikrit to Kirkuk, Gen. Raymond Ordierno of the 4th Infantry Division said insurgents had been "brought to their knees" since Saddam's capture last month, thanks to better intelligence from Iraqis who have helped U.S. troops carry out raids. The raids also appeared to have disrupted the insurgents' financial network and reduced coordination between groups, Ordierno said.
Though the number of attacks on American troops is down, Ordierno said guerrillas appeared to be shifting tactics, targeting more Iraqi police and Civil Defense Corps militia.
He also said recent reports indicate that al-Qaida fighters and other Islamic militants have been trying to infiltrate Iraq to carry out attacks against U.S. and coalition forces.
"We have not had any specific contact in my area of operation with al-Qaida," Ordierno said. "But we do believe that they are trying to organize and then try to conduct attacks."
(Knight Ridder Newspapers correspondent Drew Brown in Washington contributed to this report. Pennington is a Knight Ridder/Tribune photographer from the Fort Worth Star-Telegram.)
----------------------------------------------
>> AWAITING THE AUCTION...

tensions impact Iraq's oilfields
BY HANNAH ALLAM
Knight Ridder Newspapers
Fahmey Foaad, 16, makes $100 a month for hard labor at the Northern Oil Company's refinery in Kirkuk. Workers lack protective gear and suffer job-related injuries. MANDI WRIGHT, Detroit Free Press More photos
KIRKUK, Iraq - Iraq's oldest and largest oilfields stretch across black hills and emerald valleys, through ancient settlements and all the way to a horizon broken only by wells straining for every drop of the nation's lifeblood.
These vast northern fields could bring in billions of dollars to help rebuild the economy. But the multiethnic community once bound by oil is unraveling, as Kurds, Arabs and Turkmens rush to claim Kirkuk. If Kurds follow through on plans to add the city to autonomous territory, there could be disastrous results for the other ethnic groups that for years have been the backbone of local oil production.
The tension in Kirkuk suggests huge obstacles for U.S. plans to pull back from Iraq, leaving the country whole and at peace.
Many local residents and oil officials are worried that ethnic conflict may divide Kirkuk's workforce, lead to widespread violence and invite devastating attacks on the struggling postwar oil infrastructure, which has been hit by frequent sabotage and theft.
The prize in Kirkuk is about 113 billion barrels in possible reserves, which engineers believe lie under the city and are roughly the equivalent to the already proven reserves of the entire oil-rich country.
Yasin al Hadidi, 56, a patriarch in one of the city's oldest Arab families, said his father worked the Kirkuk fields for three decades, often lugging barrels of oil by mule until a citywide alarm sounded to announce the end of a day's work. The multiethnic neighborhoods that flourished around the fields are now threatened by Kurds who want to break away and take oil revenues with them, al Hadidi said.
"Before there were little bubbles of tension. Now it's boiling," he said, sitting at home in a district named after his family. "I hope and pray the oil stays in good hands, maybe in the hands of the central government. But even if the Kurds take over, where am I going to go? This is my city. This is our work."
The coalition seized the oilfields during the war but quickly relinquished oversight to the new Oil Ministry under Iraq's interim government. International export is slowly resuming, and engineers are working overtime to correct the sabotage, theft, outdated equipment and other obstacles that prevent Kirkuk's oil output from reaching prewar levels.
But recent eruptions of ethnic violence in northern Iraq raise questions as to whether the central control of the fields will last. The city's oil wealth would ensure the long-term viability of an autonomous Kurdish state. That makes rival Arab and Turkmen groups nervous.
Already, young Kurds are the faces of security at the oilfields and along miles of pipeline. Arabs run Northern Oil, the state-run company responsible for regional production and distribution. They say there will soon be enough crude to supply the international market, take care of domestic demand and ensure the livelihoods of each of Kirkuk's ethnic communities. So far, sabotage on key pipelines has prevented significant oil revenue, which is slated for a domestic development fund.
"A field in Kirkuk or a field in Basra has nothing to do with me as an Arab or someone else as a Kurd," said Manaa al Obaydi, deputy director of Northern Oil. "Kurdish people are part of Iraq. If they take some revenue from Iraq's oil, so what? That's their right."
Privately, however, other Arab oil executives voice concern about the steadily growing influence of the Kurds, many of whom recently returned to Kirkuk after being forcibly removed under Saddam Hussein's policy of "Arabization." About 300,000 Kurds were driven from their homes under the former regime and replaced by Arabs from southern and central Iraq who received financial incentives to head north.
A manager at Northern Oil, who wouldn't give his name, showed visitors photographs of wartime looters carting off computers, dismantling furniture and burning 50 years of company records. He pointed to the red "Patriotic Union of Kurdistan" tag that vandals had scrawled across a wall in one photo and to the baggy, traditional Kurdish trousers worn by apparent looters in another image.
"There are groups who don't want to see a united Kirkuk," the manager said. "They want to swallow the oil, they want to swallow the people, they want to swallow the buildings."
Officials from the two main political factions in northern Iraq, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and the Kurdish Democratic Party, have yet to make overt moves for petroleum purse strings. However, they've made it no secret that the Kurds' geographical and historical ties to Kirkuk include having a voice in how the oilfields are run.
"We just want Kurds to have their fair share of natural resources," said Jalal Jawhar Aziz, director of the PUK in Kirkuk. "We have huge economic potential here, but there is a lack of management. We have enough oil not for just one Iraq, but for two. We could help with correct, fair management."
Inside Kirkuk's heavily guarded oilfields, workers use mostly 1950s machinery and wear little or no protective gear for their often-dangerous jobs.
"If we can work under these conditions, the work will continue, regardless of who is in charge," said Taghreed Ali, 43, a mechanical engineer who gave up conventional dreams of marriage and children to pursue her love of oil.
The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers entered Iraq the day after Kirkuk fell and immediately started putting out fires and assessing the damage. Members of Task Force RIO (Restore Iraqi Oil) have since managed to recover $14 million in stolen equipment and have gotten refineries back in shape, said Bill Graney, a project manager. But much remains to be done.
Southern fields, which were far less damaged than Kirkuk's, have recovered rapidly to exceed expectations by producing nearly 2 million barrels per day. By contrast, the northern fields are churning out 500,000 barrels per day, far short of its capability of 900,000 barrels per day. Shaping up the flagging northern fields is crucial to the oil ministry's plans to increase nationwide output to up to 4 million barrels per day in 2005 and 6 million per day by 2010.
Since Kirkuk crude first bubbled up in the 1920s, oil has determined the fortunes of three generations of residents. Locals follow production reports the way American Midwesterners watch weather forecasts, and many are worried that growing ethnic divisions could change their way of life.
The Kadhims are one of the few Kurdish families in a heavily Arab housing complex built by the former regime for oil workers. For 30 years, Mortada Kadhim has overseen a Northern Oil warehouse and enjoyed friendships with his Arab neighbors. His two sons, bright and bilingual, are out-of-work petroleum engineers who hope to remain in Kirkuk.
These days, the Kadhims are keeping a low profile and seldom tell strangers that they're Kurds.
"I don't understand why they are so upset," Kadhim said. "A Kurdish state wouldn't mean kicking out all the Arabs and Turkmen - just the ones who came recently. If Kurds promise to control the oilfields with fairness and justice for all Iraqis, then why not give them control? It's for all of Iraq's future."
-------------------------------------------------
Russia International Wanted List in Oil Case
By STEVEN LEE MYERS
MOSCOW, Jan. 27 -- Russia's prosecution of Yukos Oil is becoming an international manhunt.
Yuri S. Biryukov, the first deputy prosecutor general, said Tuesday that a court had placed 10 of the company's shareholders or employees on international wanted lists, including some senior executives who have sought asylum in Israel.
The disclosure suggested that the prosecution of Yukos was extending far beyond its former chief executive, Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, and his partner, Platon Lebedev, who both remain in prison in Moscow.
Mr. Biryukov, in remarks to the Interfax news agency, identified only three of the 10 now wanted by Russia. They were Leonid B. Nevzlin, the largest shareholder who is not in prison; Mikhail B. Brudno, the president of the company's marketing department; and Vladimir M. Dubov, a shareholder and until last year a member of Parliament. All three are now in Israel.
Neither Mr. Biryukov nor other officials in the general prosecutor's office would identify the other seven.
A court in Moscow on Tuesday rejected a complaint filed by Mr. Khodorkovsky's lawyer challenging his arrest at gunpoint on a Siberian airfield in October. Mr. Khodorkovsky has been in prison ever since, with courts repeatedly rejecting his lawyers' request for his release on bail.
Mr. Biryukov said Mr. Nevzlin, Mr. Dubov and Mr. Brudno all faced charges of fraud, embezzlement and tax evasion related to companies or subsidiaries controlled by Mr. Khodorkovsky.
Alexandre Konanykhine, a former banking associate of Mr. Khodorkovsky now in the United States, is also wanted on fraud charges in Russia. He said last month that American officials were trying to deport him to Russia to testify against Mr. Khodorkovsky. But on Tuesday, federal immigration officials in Virginia reopened his deportation hearings -- ensuring, his lawyers said, that it will be several years, if ever, before he has to return to Russia.
Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company
--------------------------------------------------
UN ready to step up work in Chechnya, senior humanitarian envoy says
Jan Egeland
27 January 2004 - The United Nations is ready to intensify its work in Chechnya as refugees increasingly return to the war-ravaged Russian republic, the senior UN official coordinating humanitarian assistance said today during a tour of the region.
Emergency Relief Coordinator Jan Egeland described the humanitarian situation in Chechnya as precarious, marked by poor security and a serious lack of housing.
"This is a decisive hour for humanitarian work and the future of internally displaced persons in [the neighbouring Russian republic of] Ingushetia," he said.
Many Chechen refugees have been returning home from tent camps in Ingushetia. But Mr. Egeland said he was disturbed by reports that some felt pressured to go back. Last week, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Ruud Lubbers, also voiced concern about the possible closure of the camps in Ingushetia.
After holding talks in Nazran, Ingushetia, with its President Murat Vyazikov, Mr. Egeland said he had been assured there would be no compulsory returns and no camps would be forcibly closed. The envoy also personally visited three tent camps.
Mr. Egeland travelled to Grozny, the capital of Chechnya, where he met government officials and visited a temporary accommodation centre for returning refugees, a centre for disabled children and mine victims, and a maternity hospital.
Yesterday Mr. Egeland was in Moscow, conducting talks with Russian Federation ministers. He returned to the city today to begin the second leg of his mission, which will take him to Ukraine and Belarus to focus on the effects of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear reactor explosion.
----------------------------------------------------
will hold a public inquiry into case of Maher Arar
Canadian Press
Wednesday, January 28, 2004
Maher Arar. (CP)
OTTAWA --The federal government will hold a full public inquiry under Justice Dennis O'Connor into the events surrounding the deportation and torture of Ottawa engineer Maher Arar.
The controversy surrounding the treatment of Arar, deported to Syria by U.S. authorities after receiving information from the RCMP, has dogged Prime Minister Paul Martin's government as well as that of his predecessor Jean Chretien.
The decision to call the inquiry came from the Prime Minister's Office, sources said Wednesday.
O'Connor, an Ontario Court of Appeal judge, headed the inquiry into the Walkerton, Ont., tainted-water tragedy.
Deputy Prime Minister Anne McLellan said "O'Connor will assess the actions of Canadian officials in dealing with the deportation and detention of Maher Arar.''
"He will have all the powers set out in the (Inquiries) Act, including the authority to hold public hearings, summon witnesses, compel testimony and to gather such evidence as needed to conduct the inquiry,'' said McLellan, who is also minister of public safety and emergency preparedness.
Martin had said he was awaiting the results of two separate inquiries, but recent events, including a raid by the RCMP on a journalist's home, brought the issue to a head.
Foreign Affairs Minister Bill Graham learned of the inquiry Wednesday, sources said.
A spokeswoman for Arar said he would comment later Wednesday.
Arar, 33, has consistently called for a public inquiry since he was returned to Canada in the fall.
The Syrian-born Canadian was detained Sept. 26, 2002 as he passed through JFK International Airport in New York on his way home from a vacation in Tunisia.
Arar, who has dual citizenship, was deported Oct. 8, flown to Jordan and driven in a car from there to Syria, where he spent a year of solitary confinement in a tiny, grave-like cell.
He said he endured the confinement and torture until October, when he was released without explanation.
Arar has maintained his innocence, though he did acknowledge that he confessed under torture. He filed a lawsuit against U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft and other top U.S. officials last week alleging they knew he would be tortured when they deported him to Syria in 2002.
Arar had also been considering a suit against the Canadian government. His lawyers have already filed a multimillion-dollar lawsuits against Syria and Jordan, where he was first sent from the United States.
Canadian officials have said American authorities made a mistake in deporting Arar.
Arar was suspected by the United States of being associated with al-Qaida and that he remains a threat to national security.

? Copyright 2003 Canadian Press
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Prosecutor rebuked over release of Limbaugh documents
BY DANIEL de VISE
ddevise@herald.com
The state Attorney General's Office rebuked a Palm Beach County prosecutor Wednesday for allegedly misrepresenting conversations between the two agencies to make it appear the AG endorsed releasing sensitive plea-bargain documents about Rush Limbaugh to the public.
Palm Beach County State Attorney Barry Krischer released two pages of plea negotiations with Limbaugh last week in response to a public records request, along with a memo indicating that the agency had been advised by an Attorney General lawyer that the release was required by public-records law.
The documents show the radio talk-show icon proposing to settle allegations of prescription-drug abuse through treatment, potentially avoiding a permanent criminal record.
Limbaugh's attorney, Roy Black, questioned Krischer's motives and said the release was part of a smear campaign. Prosecutors said they believed they were doing the right thing after consulting the law, the attorney general and the Florida Bar. But there was nothing in writing to support or refute their claim that they were following legal advice from the attorney general.
That changed Wednesday with the release of a letter to Palm Beach County prosecutors from Patricia Gleason, general counsel for the attorney general. The letter lent credence to Limbaugh's claim that the release of the records was improper.
''In this case,'' Gleason wrote, ``... it seems to me that the purpose in contacting me about this issue may not have been to obtain impartial advice on an open government issue, but rather to use a part of our conversation to justify your office's decision that the documents should be released. This is disappointing to me personally and professionally.''
Michael Edmondson, spokesman for Krischer, was not immediately available for comment on the letter.
Prosecutors earlier said Gleason, a public records expert, advised them release of the plea negotiations was required by law because they are not specifically listed as exempt. Government documents are generally considered public unless the law says otherwise.
But other factors -- including ethical rules governing Florida lawyers -- warn against releasing plea documents because doing so could violate the privacy rights of the person proposing a plea in confidence.
While plea negotiations aren't mentioned in the public-records law, a judge ''might refuse to authorize release based on constitutional concerns,'' Gleason wrote. She said she explained this to Ken Selvig, the assistant state attorney who telephoned her earlier this month to discuss the issue.
A subsequent memo and statements from Palm Beach County prosecutors failed to mention that caveat, omitting ''critical parts of our discussion,'' Gleason wrote.
Prosecutors consulted the Attorney General's Office and the Florida Bar in response to the Jan. 15 public records request by the Landmark Legal Foundation, which sought all available documents in the case. They concluded the law trumped any ethical concerns.
----------------------------------------------------
VENEZUELA'S POLITICAL CRISIS
Drive for Ch?vez vote advancing, Carter says
Former President Jimmy Carter, acting as an arbiter in Venezuela, says that plans for a referendum on President Hugo Ch?vez are advancing.
BY PHIL GUNSON AND ALFONSO CHARDY
achardy@herald.com
CARACAS - Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, Nobel Peace Prize winner and now arbiter of Venezuela's political crisis, on Tuesday said a possible referendum to recall firebrand President Hugo Ch?vez appears to be on track -- if perhaps a little slow.
Carter's reassuring words on the last day of a three-day visit may or may not calm the increasingly bitter dispute between Ch?vez and his foes over alleged fraud in the gathering of 3.4 million signatures seeking the referendum.
Carter said he saw no evidence of fraud, that Ch?vez had personally assured him he would resign if he loses the vote and announced that electoral authorities had backed off an earlier refusal to grant international observers full access to the process of verifying signatures.
Carter's statements, at a packed news conference in a Caracas hotel, amounted to the most comprehensive status report on the National Electoral Council's effort to determine whether there are enough valid signatures for the referendum.
MEASURED TONES
Given the allegations and counter-allegations over the process, Carter's comments served as an objective report -- delivered in measured tones to dispel the anger, bitterness and mistrust that many analysts here say could easily lead to widespread partisan violence.
''I have full confidence in their dedication and in their integrity,'' he said of the electoral council, known as CNE by its Spanish initials, ``and I'm sure that they have the well-being of this nation at heart.''
Carter said he would endorse any decision the electoral council makes -- as long as the decision is made within the law and in ``full transparency.''
Government and opposition leaders said Carter's visit eased somewhat the tension between the two sides at a critical moment. But underlying differences remain.
''Visits like this are always necessary and effective,'' said Antonio Ledezma, a leading member of the opposition coalition, the Democratic Coordinator. ``But what we want to see are practical results.''
Agreement to give the Organization of American States and the Carter Center in Atlanta access to critical stages of the verification process is ''an extremely important achievement,'' said Jorge Sucre, chairman of the opposition Project Venezuela party. ``We hope that agreement is respected and put into practice.''
Equally important, said Sucre, was Carter's statement that he had no evidence of fraud in the signature collection drive, which Ch?vez has insistently alleged. He has also repeated that he would not abide by a CNE ruling against him unless it examines, in extreme detail, his complaint of a ``megafraud.''
Ch?vez declared after meeting with Carter Monday that, ''this government will respect whatever the [CNE] decides,'' and urged the opposition to make a similarly clear statement.
Carter said opposition leaders gave him mixed assertions -- some agreeing to accept the council's decision, others saying they would object to a decision going against them.
The opposition filed the 3.4 million signatures last month, setting the stage for a political showdown with Ch?vez -- a man of quixotic and leftist ideals who was once widely popular. A former Army lieutenant colonel and leader of a failed coup in 1992, Ch?vez was elected by wide margins in 1998 and 2000.
But his popularity has waned as a result of his controversial politics, a grinding economic crisis, his warm ties with Communist-ruled Cuba, a 2002 coup attempt, a general strike last year and deadly street clashes.
TROUBLED ECONOMY
Oil-rich Venezuela's once-booming economy is now severely disrupted. Inflation and currency-exchange controls have eroded the fortunes of the rich and the savings and earnings of the middle class and poor.
It's against this bitter background that the opposition has been pushing for a recall.
The latest dispute was whether observers from the OAS and the Carter Center would be allowed to watch how the council verifies a sample of the signatures.
Fernando Jaramillo, chief of staff to OAS Secretary General C?sar Gaviria, said last week that full access to the signature-verification procedures was ``indispensable.''
But Carter cautioned that verification may take longer than expected. Initially, the CNE had said that it expected to announce whether sufficient signatures were valid by Feb. 13. Carter said Tuesday the announcement may not come until March 1 -- at the earliest.
---------------------------------------------------


Posted by maximpost at 1:13 AM EST
Updated: Wednesday, 28 January 2004 12:32 PM EST
Permalink

>> AHEM...IN GERMAN...

ZEITGESCHICHTE

"Krieg gegen die Schwachen"

Anfang vorigen Jahrhunderts beschlossen amerikanische Forscher, Politiker und Viehzuchter die "Schaffung einer uberlegenen nordischen Rasse". 60 000 Manner und Frauen, zumeist Arme und Farbige, wurden zwangssterilisiert - Anregung fur das Eugenik-Programm der Nazis.



AP
Einwanderer bei der Ankunft in New York: "Die romantische Idee vom Schmelztiegel Amerika ist ein Mythos"
Das typische Opfer war irgendwie auffallig geworden, meist nicht besonders intelligent, haufig aggressiv, fast immer sexuell aktiver als der normale Kirchganger der Gemeinde und hauste nicht selten in Bretterverschlagen am Ortsrand. Vor allem war das typische Opfer: arm.
Gedeckt von eugenischen Gesetzen, verstummelten US-Arzte bis in die siebziger Jahre des vorigen Jahrhunderts uber 60 000 Manner und Frauen durch Sterilisation. Den Eugenik-Opfern im zeugungs- und gebarfahigen Alter wurden die Samenleiter durchtrennt, die Hodensacke abgeschnitten, die Eileiter abgebunden und die Eierstocke oder Gebarmutter entfernt.

Das ganze Ausma? dieses Medizin-Verbrechens beschreibt der amerikanische Publizist Edwin Black jetzt in einem Aufsehen erregenden Buch*. Mit Hilfe Dutzender Rechercheure trug er rund 50 000 einschlagige Dokumente aus amerikanischen und europaischen Archiven zusammen. Zudem wertete Black Tagebucher, Gerichts- und Krankenakten Betroffener aus.

Der auch in den USA bislang weithin unbeachtete "Krieg gegen die Schwachen" (Black) zielte auf die "Schaffung einer uberlegenen nordischen Rasse". Der Autor, der auch schon die Verstrickung des Computerkonzerns IBM mit der NS-Vernichtungsmaschinerie durchleuchtet hatte, schildert den "Kreuzzug" einer Clique einflussreicher und angesehener US-Burger, die es sich in den Kopf gesetzt hatten, mit Hilfe der Eugenik die Vereinigten Staaten von armen, einfaltigen, kranken, kriminellen und - vor allem - farbigen Einwohnern zu befreien.

In vielen US-Staaten gab es zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts gro?e soziale Probleme. Arme Fluchtlinge und verzweifelte Glucksritter drangten ins Land, angelockt von der unter Volldampf laufenden Maschinerie des neuen industriellen Zeitalters. Rund 17 Millionen Menschen aus der Alten Welt landeten in den Jahren 1890 bis 1920 an der US-Ostkuste; weitere Zehntausende Asiaten kamen in die Staaten uber die Westkuste; und von Suden drangten spater Massen von Latinos uber die US-Grenze.

"Die romantische Idee vom Schmelztiegel Amerika", schreibt Black, "ist ein Mythos." Viele Neuankommlinge blieben lange Zeit unter sich, siedelten sich in eigenen Stadtvierteln an oder zogen im Trupp als Wanderarbeiter uber Land. Den etablierten Amerikanern gefiel das demografische Chaos nicht besonders. Wissenschaftler, Arzte und Okonomen wetterten mit pseudowissenschaftlichen Thesen gegen die ungeliebten Neuburger.

"Unser Land wurde von nordischen Menschen besiedelt und aufgebaut", schrieb etwa Lothrop Stoddard, ein fuhrender Eugeniker; doch nun sei "eine Invasion von Menschenhorden aus den Alpenlandern und Mittelmeerstaaten" erfolgt, erganzt durch "asiatische Elemente wie Levantiner und Juden".

Die eugenische Idee fiel auf fruchtbaren Boden. Zum Organisator und "Chef-Kreuzzugler" (Black) der eugenischen Bewegung fuhlte sich ein Maklersohn aus dem New Yorker Bezirk Brooklyn berufen: Charles Davenport, Absolvent der Elite-Uni Harvard, baute das Biologielaboratorium einer Brooklyner Hochschule zu einem eugenischen Zentrum aus. Das "Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory" auf Long Island sollte "die Gesetze und Grenzen der Vererbung" wissenschaftlich ergrunden, zunachst im Tierversuch.

Wenig spater verfolgte Davenport unverblumt rassistische Ziele: "Wir haben in diesem Land", verkundete der promovierte Biologe, "das schwierige Problem des Negers - einer Rasse, deren geistige Entwicklung weit hinter der des Kaukasiers zuruckgeblieben" sei. Um eine denkbare Vermischung beider Rassen schon im Ansatz zu verhindern, empfahl Davenport den "sofortigen Export der schwarzen Rasse". Andernfalls konne es so weit kommen, "dass unsere Nachkommen das Land den Schwarzen, Braunen und Gelben ubergeben und um Asyl in Neuseeland bitten mussen".

Solche Rede kam an beim amerikanischen Establishment. Die wohlhabenden wei?en Nachfahren der nord- und westeuropaischen Pilger, die sich in der Neuen Welt ausgebreitet hatten, furchteten, von den Massen befreiter Sklaven und vagabundierender Fluchtlinge bedrangt zu werden.

Um diese Bedrohung zu stoppen, benotigten "Amerikas Eugeniker zwei Dinge", schreibt Black, "Geld und eine Organisation", die neuen Ideen bekannt zu machen und zu verwirklichen. Mit Geschick und Chuzpe loste Davenport diese Aufgaben. Als besonders schlagkraftiger Verbundeter des Ober-Eugenikers erwies sich die gerade erst gegrundete Viehzuchter-Organisation "American Breeders Association" (ABA). "Die Ergebnisse, die wir durch die Unterdruckung der Schwachen und durch die Zuchtung nur der Besten erhalten, lassen sich beim Menschen genauso erzielen wie bei Rindern und Schafen", hei?t es in einem ABA-Text.

Auf Davenports Anraten hin beschloss bereits die erste ABA-Vollversammlung 1903, neben den standigen Komitees fur Pflanzen- und Tierzucht, einen dritten Ausschuss einzurichten: das Eugenik-Komitee. Dessen Mitglieder wurden beauftragt, "Methoden zu entwickeln, mit denen die Qualitat des Blutes bei Individuen, Familien, Volkern und Rassen registriert" werden konnte.

Schon im ersten Report des Komitees an die ABA hie? es beispielsweise, um die "mindestens zwei Millionen verelendeten, kranken, schwachsinnigen, beschadigten und kriminellen Elemente" in der amerikanischen Gesellschaft durchzubringen, mussten jahrlich "100 Millionen Dollar" aufgebracht werden. Die Summe konne man einsparen durch "Austrocknung des rei?enden Stroms defekten und degenerierten Zellmaterials". Als praktischen Tipp empfahl der Report: "strikte Trennung wahrend der gebar- und zeugungsfahigen Altersspanne oder sogar die Sterilisation".

Die Verfasser des Reports, allesamt erfahrene Zuchter von Rindern und Pferden, rechneten, dass etwa "zehn Prozent" - also knapp zehn Millionen Amerikanern - das Menschenrecht der Fortpflanzung entzogen werden musste. Offen war die Kardinalfrage: Wer genau gehorte zum "untergetauchten Zehntel" (Eugenik-Jargon).

Fur diese Mammutaufgabe grundete Davenport gemeinsam mit der ABA das "Eugenics Record Office" (ERO) und bestellte zum Chef des Statistikburos auf dem Laborgelande in Cold Spring Harbor den Dorfschullehrer Harry Laughlin aus dem Bundesstaat Missouri. Die Geschaftsgrundlage des ERO waren das Sammeln und die Katalogisierung menschlicher Stammbaume.

Im Sommer 1910 schickten Davenport und Laughlin die ersten Befragerkolonnen hinaus ins Land. Die Eugenik-Drucker selektierten in Gefangnissen und Irrenanstalten, in Kranken- und Waisenhausern, in Schulen fur Blinde und Taube die Insassen und ermittelten deren Leiden, Vergehen und Charaktereigenschaften, die sie als vererbt oder vererbbar einstuften. Zudem waren die ERO-Befrager darauf geschult, auf den Karteikarten auch ihre personlichen Beobachtungen zu verzeichnen - ob beispielsweise jemand einen "bloden" oder "amoralischen" Eindruck machte oder depressiv und verwahrlost ausschaute.

Uber die landesweiten Kommunikationsschienen der amerikanischen Viehzuchter und weiterer einflussmachtiger Geldgeber verbreitete sich das eugenische Konzept in Windeseile. Sogar Elite-Universitaten des Landes erlagen der "kompletten rassistischen Ideologie" (Black).

Columbia, Cornell und Brown etwa verliehen der Pseudowissenschaft die akademischen Weihen, als sie eugenische Kurse ins Lehrprogramm aufnahmen. Und in Harvard, Princeton und Yale entwickelten "die hellsten und klugsten Kopfe", so Black, "ein Verfahren zum Messen intellektueller Fahigkeiten, dem zufolge 70 bis 80 Prozent aller Schwarzen und Juden Trottel und Idioten waren".

In der US-Offentlichkeit entstand der Eindruck, dass das, was in Harvard und Columbia anerkannt wurde, so falsch nicht sein konnte. In Drugstores und auf Main Streets, auf Jahrmarkten und Viehauktionen verbreiteten "Eugenik-Experten" den Slogan: "Einige Amerikaner sind nur geboren, um dem Rest der Gesellschaft zur Last zu fallen."

In der Folgezeit begann eine regelrechte Jagd auf die Au?enseiter der Gesellschaft. Sie wurden in den Armenvierteln am Stadtrand eingesammelt, in abgelegenen Talern und Waldern aufgespurt, und auch in Schulen oder Gefangnissen wurde nach ihnen gefahndet. Nach der Festnahme kamen sie zunachst zur medizinischen Untersuchung; die Diagnose war schnell gestellt: "geistig verwirrt", "blind" oder "schwachsinnig", "epileptisch" lautete mancher Befund - oder schlicht "verarmt", "kriminell", "unmoralisch".

Fast immer entschieden die Arzte, dass die bei den Eingefangenen entdeckten "Defekte" erblich bedingt waren und weitervererbt werden wurden; folglich musse ihnen die Fortpflanzung verboten werden. Viele wurden in "Kolonien" interniert oder in Heilanstalten abgeschoben, die fur hohe Sterblichkeitsraten ihrer Insassen bekannt waren. Tausende andere wurden sterilisiert - mit erschlichener, aber auch ohne Zustimmung der Betroffenen.

Die Aktionen waren in der Regel nicht einmal illegal. Als erster US-Bundesstaat gab sich Indiana schon 1907 ein Gesetz, das eugenische Zwangssterilisationen erlaubte; 32 weitere Bundesstaaten folgten dem Beispiel. In etlichen Staaten wurde ein Modellgesetz als Vorlage benutzt, das im Eugenik-Hauptquartier von ERO-Superintendant Laughlin formuliert worden war.

Laughlins Wirkung blieb nicht auf Amerika beschrankt. Sein Modellgesetz fur die Zwangssterilisation von "Geistesschwachen" ubersetzten Hitlers Rassenhygieniker ins Deutsche und verwendeten Teile daraus fur ein eigenes Eugenik-Gesetz, das die Zwangssterilisation von rund 350 000 Menschen legal erscheinen lassen sollte. Laughlins Verdienste um die nationalsozialistische Eugenik belohnte die Universitat Heidelberg 1936 mit einem Ehrendoktortitel fur den ehemaligen Zwergschullehrer.

Der nimmermude Eugenik-Propagandist revanchierte sich, indem er beim Rassenpolitischen Amt der NSDAP den zweiteiligen Propagandafilm "Erbkrank" erwarb und in den USA fur dessen Verbreitung sorgte. Das Nazi-Machwerk wurde in High Schools von New York und New Jersey gezeigt; auch Sozialarbeiter in Connecticut mussten es sich anschauen.

Zu dieser Zeit hatten unabhangige US-Forscher bereits damit begonnen, die Eugenik als Pseudowissenschaft zu entlarven. Das Interesse der amerikanischen Offentlichkeit an der Eugenik flaute wahrend des Zweiten Weltkriegs stark ab. Das ERO wurde geschlossen.

Auch die Kenntnis von den Graueln der NS-Rassenfanatiker und die Verfahren gegen NS-Mediziner hinderten amerikanische Arzte jedoch nicht daran, weiter Zwangssterilisationen vorzunehmen. Noch in den siebziger Jahren wurde Hunderten Indianerinnen zwangsweise die Gebarmutter entfernt - unter anderem als Lernprogramm fur angehende Gynakologen kaschiert.

Erst im vergangenen April hob der US-Bundesstaat North Carolina das Gesetz auf, das unter bestimmten Voraussetzungen Zwangssterilisationen vorsah.

RAINER PAUL
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* Edwin Black: "War Against the Weak". Four Walls Eight Windows, New York; 552 Seiten; 27 Dollar.


Posted by maximpost at 12:48 AM EST
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Le Fran?ais ?crou? ? New York pour "fausse alerte" a transig?
LEMONDE.FR | 26.01.04 | 19h46
Dans le cas o? il aurait choisi de d?fendre son innocence devant un tribunal, Franck Moulet risquait, en th?orie, jusqu'? quatre ans de prison.
Franck Moulet, un Fran?ais incarc?r? le 10 janvier ? New York ? la suite d'une "boutade" sur une bombe ? bord d'un vol d'American Airlines, a accept? de plaider coupable et de payer une amende pour obtenir sa lib?ration, a annonc? lundi 26 janvier son avocat.

"C'est une transaction que nous avons men?e avec le procureur. La cour a ent?rin? le fait que la plupart des charges, en particulier celle de fausse alerte qui pesait sur Franck, ont ?t? abandonn?es", a ainsi annonc? Me Morice sur LCI. Franck Moulet paiera donc une amende de 690 dollars et pourra ainsi sortir de prison "dans les heures ou dans les jours qui viennent", a dit l'avocat.

C'est lors d'un vol d'Americain Airlines, le 10 janvier entre la R?publique dominicaine et la France, juste avant une escale ? New York, que l'incident ?tait survenu. Un s?jour prolong? aux toilettes avait amen? une h?tesse de l'air ? interroger le jeune homme. Ce dernier avait r?pondu, sur le ton de la provocation, qu'il n'avait pas plac? de bombe dans les toilettes. Il a ?t? d?nonc? aux autorit?s et incarc?r? d?s sa descente d'avion dans un centre de d?tention new-yorkais, en compagnie de d?tenus qui purgent des peines pour crimes de sang.

Selon l'h?tesse de l'air d'Am?rican Airlines concern?e par l'incident, cit?e par une source judiciaire, M. Moulet aurait, au moment de l'atterrissage, lev? son poing et lanc? "Oh merde ! La bombe que j'ai pos?e dans les toilettes n'a pas fonctionn? !" Mais selon la m?re de l'inculp?, Mme Marie-France Moulet, il aurait en fait dit : "Je n'?tais pas en train de mettre une bombe !".

"PLAIDER COUPABLE" ? L'?TUDE EN FRANCE

Il risquait, en th?orie, jusqu'? quatre ans de prison dans le cas o? il aurait choisi de d?fendre son innocence devant un tribunal, lors d'une audience qui n'aurait pu intervenir que dans plusieurs semaines.

"Il n'est coupable en r?alit? de rien. Mais vous savez que la pratique am?ricaine veut que l?-bas on plaide coupable m?me lorsqu'on est innocent. Je pense qu'effectivement c'?tait une ?preuve tr?s d?licate pour lui mais on a recherch? l'efficacit?", a dit Me Morice. A son retour en France, Franck Moulet entend d?noncer ses conditions de d?tention, la fa?on "dont la justice l'a trait?" et le comportement de la compagnie a?rienne, a ajout? l'avocat.

Cette affaire intervient alors qu'un projet de loi actuellement examin? au Parlement fran?ais pr?voit d'instaurer en France cette proc?dure de "plaider coupable", une particularit? du droit anglo-saxon. La "comparution sur reconnaissance pr?alable de culpabilit?" permettra au procureur - un magistrat nomm? en France par le pouvoir politique -, pour les infractions qui ne peuvent ?tre punies de plus de cinq ans d'emprisonnement, de proposer aux d?linquants qui avouent les faits une peine transactionnelle et donc d'?viter un proc?s contradictoire.

Le secr?taire d'Etat aux affaires ?trang?res, Renaud Muselier, s'est f?licit? de la lib?ration prochaine du jeune homme, originaire de Ch?teaurenard, dans les Bouches-du-Rh?ne. "C'est une affaire qui se termine bien, m?me si les vacances de M. Moulet ont ?t? g?ch?es. Apr?s les formalit?s d'usage, il pourra rentrer en France d'ici un jour ou deux", a-t-il d?clar?.

Avec Reuters et AFP

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Saddam Hussein r?compensait ses "amis" en barils de p?trole
LE MONDE | 27.01.04 | 14h51
Le journal irakien "Al-Mada" a publi? une liste des personnes b?n?ficiaires des largesses du ra?s. Onze Fran?ais sont cit?s, dont Charles Pasqua. Un responsable du minist?re du p?trole affirme que des "poursuites en justice" seront engag?es pour r?cup?rer "l'argent du peuple irakien".
Bagdad de notre envoy? sp?cial

Saddam Hussein r?compensait ses amis ?trangers, notamment tous ceux qui ?taient les z?lateurs de son r?gime et s'en faisaient les ambassadeurs. Cela ?tait connu. Plus de dix mois apr?s la chute de la dictature irakienne, des ?l?ments de preuve ont ?t? publi?s pour la premi?re fois, dimanche 25 janvier, par un journal ind?pendant Al-Mada (L'Horizon).

Sur une pleine page, ce nouveau quotidien ?tale dans son 45e num?ro, la liste de plus de 270 personnalit?s connues ou inconnues, de soci?t?s, de parlementaires, d'associations, des journalistes, des partis politiques qui ont profit? des largesses du ra?s d?chu. Fac-simil? ? l'appui, ce journal d?nonce "la plus grande op?ration de corruption" de l'ancien r?gime. Et il affirme que "des millions de barils de p?trole ont ?t? offerts ? des individus qui n'ont rien ? voir avec les activit?s p?troli?res". Au total, 16 pays arabes, 17 europ?ens, 9 asiatiques et 4 d'Afrique et d'Am?rique du Sud et du Nord sont concern?s par cette op?ration de r?compense.

Abdel Saheb Salmane Qotob, sous-secr?taire au minist?re du p?trole, nous a confirm? ces informations pr?cisant que parmi les personnalit?s impliqu?es figurent deux premiers ministres, deux ministres des affaires ?trang?res ainsi que des fils de ministres et de chefs d'Etat. "Le minist?re va d?voiler tous les noms et les poursuivre en justice pour r?cup?rer l'argent du peuple irakien", a-t-il indiqu?, ajoutant que "les informations n?cessaires ?taient recueillies pour les soumettre ? Interpol et les poursuivre car Saddam Hussein a achet? les consciences et dilapid? la richesse p?troli?re de l'Irak".

Pour la France, pas moins de onze noms sont publi?s avec la quantit? de barils de p?trole qui leur a ?t? allou?e. Parmi eux, ?crits avec une orthographe parfois approximative et comprenant quelques incertitudes sur les pr?noms ou intitul?s de soci?t?s et associations, figurent la soci?t? Adax, Patrick Maugein de Traficor ou Travicor, Michel Grimard, l'association d'amiti? arabo-fran?aise, Charles Pasqua, Elias El-Ferzeli ou Ghazarli d'origine libanaise, Claude Kaspereit, Bernard M?rim?e (ancien ambassadeur de France ? Rome et ? l'ONU), Bernard Desmaret et De Souza.

12 millions de barils auraient notamment ?t? allou?s ? Charles Pasqua, quatre autres M. Kaspereit et trois ? M. M?rim?e tandis que Patrick Maugein aurait b?n?fici? de 25 millions de barils. Aucune autre pr?cision n'est donn?e. Les documents proviennent de la SOMO (State Oil Marketing Organisation), soci?t? de commercialisation du p?trole rattach?e au minist?re du p?trole.

UNE LETTRE DE LA SOMO

Georges Gallaway, ancien d?put? travailliste aux Communes, figure en bonne place dans la liste. Son nom est mentionn? dans six contrats et le journal publie une lettre de la SOMO en date du 31 d?cembre 1999, sign?e par Saddam Zbin, cousin de Saddam Hussein qui g?rait cette soci?t? et dans laquelle il demande au minist?re du p?trole de lui accorder des contrats. Apparemment, ce parlementaire britannique a ?t? particuli?rement bien trait?. Mais il n'est pas le seul.

Dans cette tr?s longue liste figure aussi Khaled, le fils du pr?sident ?gyptien Nasser, le fils du ministre syrien de la d?fense, le fils du pr?sident du Liban, Emile Lahoud, la fille du pr?sident indon?sien Sukarno, Megawati, aujourd'hui premier ministre, l'?glise orthodoxe russe et le Parti communiste russe.

L'ultranationaliste russe Vladimir Jirinovski, lui aussi, est particuli?rement bien loti (79,2 millions de barils). Des soci?t?s suisses, des ressortissants italiens, des d?put?s jordaniens, des hommes politiques ?gyptiens, le Front populaire de lib?ration de la Palestine (FPLP), l'organisation de lib?ration de la Palestine (OLP) sont cit?s. La liste n'est pas exhaustive.

Parmi les pays cit?s figurent entre autres : l'Afrique du Sud, l'Alg?rie, l'Arabie saoudite, l'Australie, Bahre?n, la Bi?lorussie, le Br?sil, la Bulgarie, le Canada, la Chine, Chypre, l'Espagne, la Libye, la Malaisie, le Maroc, le Nigeria, Oman, le Panama, les Philippines, le Qatar, la Roumanie, la Turquie, l'Ukraine, le Y?men et la Yougoslavie.

Ces divulgations ont provoqu? dans les pays voisins, soit des r?actions indign?es, les uns invoquant la diffamation ou le complot politique, soit des justifications selon lesquelles il s'agissait d'affaires l?gales r?alis?es en bonne et due forme. Autant que l'on puisse le savoir, les personnes choisies recevaient des attributions pour un certain volume de barils qui ?taient ensuite revendus ? des soci?t?s. Les int?ress?s touchaient au passage une commission dont le pourcentage n'est pas connu.

QUE L'ANN?E 1999

Au si?ge du journal, Abdul Zahra Zeki, directeur adjoint de la r?daction, confirme l'authenticit? des documents et affirme que ceux-ci ne concernent que l'ann?e 1999 et que d'autres existent pour les ann?es ult?rieures. Comment sont-ils arriv?s en possession du journal ? Pas de r?ponse.

Ce qui est s?r est que le si?ge de la SOMO, ? l'inverse du minist?re du p?trole, avait ?t? pill? apr?s la chute de Bagdad et que d'?normes quantit?s de dossiers avaient ?t? vol?es. Toute la question est d?sormais de savoir si les ?normes profits qu'a engendr? le programme P?trole contre nourriture, sous l'?gide des Nations unies, va d?sormais sortir au grand jour.

Les quotas de p?trole n'ont ?t? allou?s ? des particuliers qu'? partir de la troisi?me phase. Les deux premi?res ?taient r?serv?es exclusivement aux soci?t?s faisant officiellement commerce du p?trole.

Ce fut la porte ouverte aux abus. "Saddam Hussein a transform? notre pays en une copieuse table ouverte sur laquelle se servaient tous les valets ob?issants et serviles", ?crit Al-Mada.

Michel B?le-Richard


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Patrick Maugein : "C'est d?lirant !"


Patrick Maugein, homme d'affaires fran?ais ? la t?te de la firme p?troli?re Soco International, r?put? proche de Jacques Chirac, d?ment cat?goriquement les informations irakiennes. "Je n'ai jamais re?u 25 millions de barils de p?trole offerts par les Irakiens, c'est d?lirant et absolument impossible, explique-t-il au Monde. En 1999, les ventes de p?trole ?taient monitor?es par l'ONU. A l'embarquement des navires, il y avait des inspecteurs. Pas une raffinerie au monde n'aurait accept? une cargaison clandestine. A l'?poque, j'avais simplement une participation dans une raffinerie italienne, qui avait achet?, l?galement, des cargaisons de p?trole."

M. Maugein affirme en outre n'avoir jamais rencontr? Saddam Hussein : "J'avais simplement des relations avec Tarek Aziz, le vice-premier ministre, que je voyais souvent ? Paris, et les ministres successifs du p?trole. Je connais bien l'Irak, j'ai toujours ?t? dans le p?trole l?-bas. Et ce n'est pas dans leurs habitudes d'offrir des cargaisons. Les Irakiens, contrairement aux Africains, ne laissaient aucune marge sur la table."



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Charles Pasqua : "On essaye de m'?clabousser"


Interrog? par Le Monde, mardi 27 janvier, Charles Pasqua a d?clar? n'avoir "jamais rien re?u de Saddam Hussein, ni p?trole ni argent". "Je ne suis pas, et n'ai jamais ?t?, un ami de Saddam Hussein", a ajout? le d?put? europ?en (RPF), rappelant qu'"? l'?poque de la guerre du Golfe, en 1991, le groupe RPR que je pr?sidais avait pris position pour l'intervention contre le r?gime irakien". "Je m'?tonne qu'une nouvelle fois, ? un moment o? je me relance politiquement, on essaye de m'?clabousser", a pr?cis? M. Pasqua.

Selon l'ancien ministre de l'int?rieur, il est cependant "tout ? fait possible que des gens, notamment des politiques, aient touch? des fonds du r?gime baassiste. Mais ne regardez pas dans ma direction, voyez plut?t du c?t? de ceux qui furent catalogu?s, il y a longtemps, comme des soutiens ? Saddam Hussein", a ajout? M. Pasqua. Evoquant une "?ventuelle manipulation des services am?ricains", M. Pasqua a conclu : "Si j'avais touch? de l'argent de Saddam, avec toutes les investigations qui ont ?t? men?es par des juges d'instruction fran?ais, cela se saurait !".



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Une liste, d?j?, dans l'affaire Elf


Les r?v?lations du journal Al-Mada rappellent un pr?c?dent, apparu dans l'affaire Elf. Une liste de 44 salari?s - dont certains apparaissaient sous des noms de code - d'Elf Aquitaine international (EAI), la filiale helv?tique du groupe p?trolier, avait ?t? adress?e anonymement ? la justice fran?aise, fin 1997. Outre la ma?tresse de Roland Dumas, Christine Deviers-Joncour, des personnalit?s politiques, proches de Charles Pasqua et de Fran?ois Mitterrand, y ?taient suspect?es d'avoir b?n?fici? d'emplois fictifs, qui auraient ?t? dispens?s par Alfred Sirven, directeur des "affaires g?n?rales" du groupe. La liste des "mandataires" d'EAI incluait des soci?t?s et des d?cideurs ?trangers - notamment un d?put? conservateur anglais. Les juges durent faire tri entre les collaborateurs qui fournirent ? Elf de v?ritables prestations, ceux qui ?uvr?rent au service personnel de M. Sirven et ceux qui n'exerc?rent aucune activit?.

* ARTICLE PARU DANS L'EDITION DU 28.01.04

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Chat
Nouvelles menaces dans les Balkans
LEMONDE.FR | 27.01.04 | 16h17 * MIS A JOUR LE 27.01.04 | 18h00
L'int?gralit? du d?bat avec Christophe Chiclet, journaliste et historien, mardi 27 janvier.
Franckie : Comment interpr?tez-vous la victoire de Milosevic en Serbie ?

Christophe Chiclet : Ce n'est pas une victoire ? proprement parler de Milosevic, puisque le Parti socialiste a fait un faible score, mais c'est plut?t un vote sanction contre l'inefficacit? du gouvernement d?mocratique issu des ?v?nements d'octobre 2000.




L'inefficacit? du gouvernement d?mocratique, c'est d?j? la querelle de personnes entre l'ancien pr?sident de la F?d?ration, Kostunica, et l'ancien premier ministre serbe, Zoran Djindjic. Cette querelle a fait beaucoup de mal dans le camp d?mocratique mais, surtout, le gouvernement qui a succ?d? ? Milosevic n'a pas pu et n'a pas su faire red?marrer l'?conomie. Les probl?mes ?conomiques et sociaux sont extr?mement graves et, pour le Serbe moyen, il s'agit avant tout de son pouvoir d'achat et comme dans beaucoup d'anciens pays communistes, on assiste ? une lassitude des ?lecteurs. Il faut aussi relativiser les r?sultats, sachant qu'il n'y a eu que 59 % de participations. Donc les r?sultats des forces nationalistes antid?mocratiques sont ? pond?rer ? l'aune des statistiques ?lectorales.

Fred : Mais il a ?t? r??lu, et cette victoire personnelle peut ?tre un gage d'instabilit? dans le pays et la r?gion. Qu'en pensez-vous ?

Christophe Chiclet : Il a ?t? mis en t?te de liste du Parti socialiste comme un symbole. Donc ? partir du moment o? le Parti socialiste franchissait la barre des 5 %, Milosevic ?tait obligatoirement ?lu. De toute fa?on, il ne peut pas si?ger et cela pourrait ?tre un ?l?ment d?stabilisateur si les d?mocrates n'arrivaient pas ? trouver une coalition stable. Mais le danger pourrait plus venir des militants du Parti radical, qui est devenu le premier parti en Serbie apr?s les derni?res ?lections.

Cl?o : Y a-t-il une volont? chez les Serbes de "d?mocratiser" leur soci?t? ?

Christophe Chiclet : Au niveau de la soci?t? civile, c'est une ?vidence. Nous avons vu l'?mergence du mouvement politico-syndical de la jeunesse, le mouvement Otpor, et il existe ?norm?ment d'ONG et d'associations de jeunes, de femmes. Il y a aussi le syndicat Nezavisnost. Donc une soci?t? civile qui bouge, qui vit. Cette volont? est tr?s visible dans la jeunesse. Pendant la dictature de Milosevic, des dizaines de milliers de jeunes Serbes sont partis ? l'?tranger. Or, aujourd'hui, cette immigration est moins facile parce que l'Union europ?enne est plus ferm?e pour ces gens et parce qu'il faut aussi avoir les moyens ?conomiques pour partir, souvent de la famille d?j? install?e en Allemagne, en France, en Belgique. Or, aujourd'hui, ces deux facteurs freinent les d?parts. Donc il existe une volont? d'essayer de faire changer les choses sur place.

Catherine : La faible participation aux diff?rentes ?lections ne va-t-elle pas contre cette volont? de d?mocratiser la soci?t?, n'y a-t-il pas un certain "d?senchantement" de la population ?

Christophe Chiclet : C'est ?vident qu'il y a un d?senchantement, surtout au niveau de la politique politicienne. Comme je l'ai dit, les gens sont d??us des querelles de personnes, des jeux de pouvoir ? l'int?rieur des anciens gouvernements. Par ailleurs, il existe aussi un d?senchantement au niveau constitutionnel. Le Serbe moyen ne sait plus vraiment ? quel saint se vouer. Il n'est plus Yougoslave, mais il n'est pas encore totalement Serbe, puisque le pays s'appelle d?sormais l'USM (l'Union Serbie-Mont?n?gro) et que certaines mauvaises langues appellent Union sado-masochiste.

Ce d?senchantement est particuli?rement visible chez les plus de 50 ans. S'ils ont parfois cru ? la Grande Serbie, aujourd'hui ils en sont revenus et ce retour s'est pay? tr?s cher tant au niveau politique que social et ?conomique. Le Serbe de base, aujourd'hui, a d'abord le souci de boucler ses fins de mois. M?me si l'inflation est relativement jugul?e, les salaires n'ont pas suivi et le niveau de vie en Serbie est un des plus bas de la r?gion. Il est, par exemple, largement inf?rieur au niveau de vie de l'entit? serbe de Bosnie-Herz?govine. Par ailleurs, le niveau de vie au Kosovo, gr?ce ou ? cause des mafias et des trafics, est sup?rieur ? celui de la Serbie, en particulier dans certaines r?gions recul?es du sud de la Serbie, aux fronti?res de la Mac?doine et de la Bulgarie.

MlleK : Comment voyez-vous l'avenir dans les Balkans ? Sereinement ?

Christophe Chiclet : Il y a eu un espoir en 2000 avec la chute des dictatures en Croatie et en Serbie. Or, aux derni?res ?lections de 2003, les nationalistes sont revenus au pouvoir ? Zagreb et ont fait une perc?e ? Belgrade. La Bulgarie n'arrive pas ? d?coller ?conomiquement, le gouvernement de l'ex-roi Sim?on est un ?chec. Il n'a pas r?ussi son programme de redressement ?conomique, m?me si ? Sofia l'inflation est jugul?e.

Quant ? l'Albanie de Fatos Nano, m?me si elle est relativement stable, elle reste toujours une zone de trafics et de corruption g?n?ralis?s. Quant ? la Mac?doine, elle est toujours ? la merci des extr?mistes irr?dentistes albanais et le pays, malgr? une alternance d?mocratique lors des derni?res ?lections, demeure excessivement fragile. Une nouvelle gu?rilla albanaise pourrait entra?ner la partition, voire la disparition, de ce petit Etat en manque d'?lite responsable.

Seul facteur de stabilit?, la Gr?ce, o? vont se d?rouler des ?lections l?gislatives anticip?es le 7 mars prochain. Aujourd'hui, Ath?nes s'est rapproch? d'Ankara. Le dossier chypriote pourrait bien, pour la premi?re fois depuis 1974, trouver une solution. Ath?nes, Ankara, Bruxelles et les Nations unies s'y att?lent. La reprise des pourparlers bicommunautaires devrait avoir lieu tr?s rapidement et une solution pourrait voir le jour avant le 1er mai 2004, date d'entr?e effective de la R?publique de Chypre, c'est-?-dire la partie sud de l'?le o? sont regroup?s les Chypriotes grecs depuis l'?puration ethnique dont ils ont ?t? les victimes par l'arm?e turque en juillet-ao?t 1974. Par ailleurs, historiquement, le rapprochement gr?co-turc a toujours conduit ? une stabilit? dans les Balkans, comme ce fut le cas lors des accords Venizelos Ataturk, en 1930. Pour ?tre optimiste, il faudrait dans un premier temps nettoyer l'ensemble de la r?gion de son ?conomie grise, voire des trafics et de la corruption qui minent le processus d?mocratique.

Pol : Tout le probl?me des Balkans c'est l'ultranationalisme ou, du moins, le nationalisme. Donc, tant que ce sentiment politique r?trograde n'est pas enray?, il sera difficile d'implanter la d?mocratie et le d?veloppement ?conomique. Qu'en dites-vous ?

Christophe Chiclet : Le nationalisme s'est d?velopp? dans l'ex-Yougoslavie au milieu des ann?es 1980 ? cause des crises ?conomiques. La grave crise ?conomique de la Yougoslavie post-titiste a fait rena?tre les vieux d?mons du nationalisme. Ce n'est donc pas le nationalisme qui g?ne le d?veloppement ?conomique, mais l'inverse.

Hussard : Au Kosovo, environ 20 000 soldats des meilleures arm?es du monde au sein de la KFOR, 4 000 policiers de la Minuk et une manne financi?re qui depuis 2001 n'a pas eu de r?sultats probants. Le protectorat onusien est-il un ?chec ?

Christophe Chiclet : Ce n'est pas un ?chec dans le sens o? il n'y a plus de combats meurtriers entre les communaut?s. En revanche, c'est un ?chec sur plusieurs plans. Le premier, le non-retour des dizaines de milliers de Serbes qui ont fui la r?gion apr?s les bombardements de l'OTAN et les exactions des hommes de l'UCK (Arm?e de lib?ration du Kosovo). C'est aussi un ?chec car les enclav?s serbes finissent petit ? petit par partir et nous arrivons ? un Kosovo quasiment ethniquement pur. C'est aussi un ?chec parce que les anciens cadres de l'UCK li?s ? la mafia locale, quand ils ne sont pas eux-m?mes des mafiosi, continuent ? gangrener l'?conomie locale, emp?chant tout d?veloppement ?conomique et social durable. Par ailleurs, il faudra bien qu'un jour les Nations unies et les puissances d?cident d'une solution constitutionnelle pour le Kosovo.

Le syst?me de protectorat ne peut pas durer ?ternellement car il emp?che tout d?veloppement des r?gions plac?es sous tutelle et ne pouvant ainsi acc?der aux instances internationales d'aide et de coop?ration. L'ind?pendance para?t donc ? terme in?luctable, mais il existe un risque d'ouvrir la bo?te de Pandore de la question albanaise avec une volont? non pas de recr?er une Grande Albanie, comme en 1941, sous la houlette de l'Italie mussolinienne, mais de voir se profiler un Grand Kosovo qui regrouperait l'actuel Kosovo, le Mont?n?gro m?ridional, la Mac?doine occidentale et le district de Presevo en sud-Serbie.

Alexou78 : Apr?s l'intervention de l'OTAN au Kosovo, les Albanais du Kosovo sont finalement devenu les ma?tres de cette province, obligeant les Serbes ? partir de leur terre ancestrale. Avec le recul, peut-on dire que l'OTAN et les dirigeants europ?ens de l'?poque sont responsables de l'?puration ethnique des Serbes du Kosovo ?

Christophe Chiclet : Bien s?r. C'est une ?vidence, mais il n'y a pas que les Serbes ? avoir ?t? victimes de cette ?puration ethnique. Il en est de m?me pour les Tsiganes et pour les Gorans (slaves islamis?s).

"L'UNION EUROP?ENNE A UN R?LE TR?S IMPORTANT ? JOUER"

Catherine : Dans ce contexte, quel r?le peuvent jouer l'UE et l'OSCE ?

Christophe Chiclet : Dans le cadre de l'?largissement de l'Union europ?enne, Bruxelles pourrait jouer un r?le important dans les n?gociations entre Belgrade et Pristina. En effet, au 1er mai 2004, la Slov?nie va int?grer l'UE. A priori, en 2007, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie entreraient ? leur tour, mais on sait d?j? que la Croatie et la Mac?doine frappent ? la porte de Bruxelles. La Serbie ne veut pas rester isol?e et elle aussi souhaite se rapprocher de l'Union europ?enne. Dans ce cadre, Bruxelles pourrait faire pression sur les deux camps pour qu'une solution stable et d?mocratique soit trouv?e. Mais bien ?videmment, tout cela risque de prendre beaucoup de temps.

La Gr?ce, de par sa qualit? de membre de l'Union europ?enne depuis 1981 et de sa place g?o-strat?gique et g?o-?conomique dans les Balkans, a un r?le tr?s important ? jouer. Par ailleurs, pour la Serbie, le Mont?n?gro, la Bosnie, la Mac?doine, le Kosovo, voire la Croatie, il faudrait un v?ritable plan Marshall europ?en pour d?velopper ces r?gions et lutter contre les trafics en tout genre qui minent le d?veloppement de ces pays.

Kyfran1 : Quelle est l'implication du gouvernement fran?ais dans la stabilit? des Balkans ?

Christophe Chiclet : Outre le fait qu'il a des troupes au sol au Kosovo et en Bosnie, le gouvernement fran?ais privil?gie les partenariats bilat?raux avec les R?publiques de l'ex-Yougoslavie. Le pr?sident Chirac et le premier ministre Raffarin ont re?u la semaine derni?re une importante d?l?gation mac?donienne dirig?e par le premier ministre mac?donien et Paris a promis une aide substantielle en termes d'investissements. Quant ? la politique fran?aise, au jour d'aujourd'hui, elle se calque sur la politique europ?enne en g?n?ral.

Mel : L'OTAN serait responsable de l'?puration ethnique au Kosovo ? C'est un peu cru comme constat, sachant que cette r?gion, tout au long du XXe si?cle ?t? peupl?e par un majorit? d'Albanais et que les deux premi?res Yougoslavie (1918-1939 et 1945-1991) ont toutes deux essay?, en vain, de "slaviser" ? nouveau cette r?gion. L'OTAN n'est donc pas la seule responsable... N'est-ce pas ?

Christophe Chiclet : Les Albanais n'ont pas toujours ?t? largement majoritaires dans cette province. Il y eut des flux migratoires en provenance d'Albanie vers le Kosovo et la Mac?doine, comme il y eut des flux migratoires de Serbes vers le Kosovo, tant dans l'entre-deux-guerres qu'apr?s la seconde guerre mondiale. Il y eut par ailleurs plusieurs accords officiels entre le Royaume de Yougoslavie, puis la F?d?ration socialiste yougoslave et la R?publique de Turquie. Ainsi, de nombreux Turcs des Balkans, mais aussi de nombreux Albanais, se sont install?s en Turquie. On estime aujourd'hui ? environ 3 ou 4 millions le nombre de Turcs de souche albanaise.

Mais c'est un fait qu'apr?s juin 1999 et la "lib?ration" du Kosovo, c'est-?-dire l'entr?e des troupes de la coalition dans cette r?gion, avec dans leurs fourgons les combattants de l'UCK, l'?puration ethnique a bel et bien eu lieu sans que les forces de l'OTAN sur le terrain ne fassent quoi que ce soit. C'est ainsi que le Kosovo a ?t? victime de deux ?purations ethniques cons?cutives : la premi?re touchant les Albanais victimes de la dictature de Milosevic, et la deuxi?me touchant toutes les minorit?s non albanaises du Kosovo victimes des s?ides de l'UCK, qui se sont montr?s beaucoup plus organis?s pour chasser des civils et piller des villages que pour combattre dans les montagnes contre la police et l'arm?e de Milosevic.

Franckie : Est-ce que la victoire des nationalistes en Russie aux l?gislatives de 2003 peut relancer une politique offensive de la Russie dans les Balkans ?

Christophe Chiclet : Ce n'est pas sp?cialement la victoire des nationalistes en Russie qui pourrait jouer un r?le important dans les Balkans, mais tout simplement la Russie post-sovi?tique retrouve ses vieilles habitudes de l'?poque tsariste et a toujours eu un int?r?t dans cette zone peupl?e de "cousins" slaves. D'autant que c'est un march? proche qui int?resse tant les Russes que les Ukrainiens.

Frankie : Vous avez ?voqu? la mafia. Quel est son r?le, dans les Balkans en g?n?ral, et au Kosovo, en particulier ?

Yann : N'avons-nous pas favoris? l'?mergence de la mafia et de l'int?grisme en s'acharnant seulement sur le totalitarisme serbo-croate ?

Christophe Chiclet : La mafia est omnipr?sente dans l'ensemble des Balkans. Elle a toujours ?t? en avance sur les politiques et m?me si les clans mafieux sont structur?s sur des bases ethniques, les mafias collaborent entre elles et ont su d?passer le nationalisme et effacer les fronti?res. Les mafias contr?lent les trafics de drogue, d'armes, la prostitution, mais aussi certains secteurs des mati?res premi?res, en particulier le p?trole et l'essence. Tout comme en Italie, nous la retrouvons dans le b?timent. Elle corrompt juges, policiers et hommes politiques. Elle fait du triangle Tirana-Pristina-Tetovo une v?ritable zone de non-droit par o? transitent toutes les contrebandes.

A noter que les derni?res sp?cificit?s des mafias locales sont le trafic de travailleurs clandestins vers l'Europe et le trafic de cigarettes. En ne voyant que les nationalismes, les Europ?ens ont bien ?videmment sous-estim? le poids de ces mafias et leur caract?re antid?mocratique. Si on pense qu'environ 40 % des Albanais d'Albanie vivent gr?ce ? l'argent des mafias, il faut savoir que les mafias, avant de s'installer en Europe occidentale entre autres, commencent toujours par exploiter leur propre peuple.

Alexou78 : Pourquoi l'aspect islamiste de l'UCK n'est pas mis en avant dans les m?dias ?

Jojo : Apr?s la Turquie, l'Europe des Balkans n'est-elle pas dans le collimateur des terroristes islamistes, dont Al-Qaida, qui pourraient profiter de la d?liquescence des Etats pour cr?er des cellules et frapper des cibles occidentales dans la r?gion ?

Christophe Chiclet : Il n'y a pas d'aspect islamiste dans l'UCK. Le facteur religieux n'est pas prenant dans l'id?ologie et dans le fonctionnement de l'UCK. Nombre de riches Albanais catholiques vivant ? l'?tranger ont soutenu l'UCK. A part deux ou trois individualit?s, et pas plus, il n'y a pas eu de r?elle tentative de la part des islamistes d'infiltrer ou de peser sur l'UCK. D'autant que l'islam albanais a toujours ?t? un islam mod?r?. Pour l'instant, les seules traces av?r?es de tentatives de p?n?tration, voire d'organiser des actions terroristes, proviennent de Bulgarie. Mais il est vrai que dans le contexte de non-droit dans cette zone, les gens d'Al-Qaida pourraient facilement installer des cellules. Encore faudrait-il que ces cellules soient constitu?es par des militants locaux et non des terroristes import?s provenant du Moyen-Orient ou de la zone afghano-pakistanaise. Il est vrai que les autorit?s grecques, ? la veille des Jeux olympiques d'ao?t 2004, craignent des attentats. Ces attentats pourraient venir soit de la mer, soit des fronti?res du Nord.

MMM : Y a-t-il un enjeu p?trolier au Kosovo et dans les Balkans ?

Christophe Chiclet : Au Kosovo, pas sp?cialement. Mais dans les Balkans, il y en a un qui fait partie du grand jeu de la mer Caspienne. En effet, les Az?ris, les Turcs, les Am?ricains privil?gient deux trac?s d'ol?oducs, l'un traversant la Turquie pour arriver en M?diterran?e orientale, et l'autre traversant le Caucase pour arriver sur la c?te g?orgienne. En revanche, les Russes privil?gient les trac?s septentrionaux remontant jusque dans le sud de la Russie puis par voie maritime arrivant sur les c?tes bulgares. Dans ce cas, il y a d?j? eu des accords bilat?raux entre la Gr?ce et la Bulgarie et entre la Gr?ce et la Mac?doine pour construire ces ol?oducs qui vont dans le sens des volont?s de Moscou.

Ngn : Votre remarque concernant le caract?re antid?mocratique des mafias (et autres structures de corruption) est cruciale. Plus t?t, vous sembliez imputer l'?clatement de la Yougoslavie avant tout ? des causes d'ordre ?conomique (la crise des ann?es 1980-1990). Justement, ne croyez-vous que ce soit une fa?on commode de continuer ? minorer l'existence d'aspirations d?mocratiques s?culaires et l?gitimes parmi les peuples qui sont sortis de la Yougoslavie ? cette occasion, m?me si elles ont pu ?tre parfois largement d?voy?es ? Et d'alimenter la conception lapidaire et largement r?pandue selon laquelle "un sentiment politique r?trograde" - le nationalisme -, affligerait toute une r?gion ?

Christophe Chiclet : Les crises ?conomiques yougoslaves ont accentu? les ?go?smes nationaux. En clair, les riches slov?nes et croates en avaient assez de payer au budget f?d?ral pour les Bosniaques, les Albanais, les Mac?doniens, etc. Par ailleurs, on a souvent eu tort de penser que la Yougoslavie titiste ?tait quasiment une d?mocratie. Le syst?me ?tait proche des autres d?mocraties populaires, mais Tito a eu l'intelligence de laisser les portes de son pays ouvertes. Ainsi, ? partir de 1952, les anti-titistes, pour des raisons politiques ou ?conomiques, pouvaient quitter librement le pays.

Par ailleurs, le sentiment national qui n'est pas une tare en soi a ?t? d?voy? par Tito qui a appliqu? aux peuples et aux minorit?s la politique des nationalit?s de Staline. Ainsi, les r?flexions sur le nationalisme et sur la libert? wilsonienne des peuples n'ont pas pu se faire ? l'int?rieur de la Yougoslavie titiste. C'est ainsi que lorsqu'il a pu s'exprimer, le nationalisme n'a pas pris un caract?re d?mocratique et r?fl?chi, mais au contraire, s'est drap? dans un extr?misme ravageur. Sans la chape de plomb du titisme, la r?flexion sur le nationalisme balkanique aurait pu ?tre beaucoup plus enrichissante et certainement aurait permis d'?viter les d?bordements sanglants que nous avons pu voir. A noter que Tch?ques et Slovaques ont divorc? ? l'amiable.

Posted by maximpost at 12:09 AM EST
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Jihadists in Iraq
From the February 2, 2004 issue: An unwelcome Saudi export.
by Stephen Schwartz
02/02/2004, Volume 009, Issue 20





EVIDENCE continues to build that the terrorist "resistance" in the Sunni Triangle, far from being a spontaneous response to new frustrations, has a history and an ideology. The correct name for the main influence inciting Sunni Muslim Iraqis to attack coalition forces is Wahhabism, although its proponents seek to disguise it under the more acceptable name Salafism. It is financed and supported from inside Saudi Arabia, which shares a long border with southern Iraq.

Iraqis, as well as coalition commanders on the ground, are quick to admit this fact--which military and political planners in Washington, ever concerned not to offend the Saudis, have sought to evade. Iraqi informants, however, are reluctant to be publicly identified, out of fear for their lives.

"The Fallujah region is filling up with Wahhabis," a tribal representative from that section of the Sunni Triangle said in a late December discussion in Washington. He had come to the capital in hopes of brokering a new agreement between his people and American troops, following disorders in the town. "They are streaming in, exploiting the confusion and misunderstandings between the local residents and the U.S. forces."

Iraqi Muslims generally express a loathing for Wahhabis, Salafis, or Saudi-inspired ultrafundamentalists under any other name. Shia Muslims are particularly known for this attitude, rooted in the memory of Wahhabi attacks on the Shia shrine of Karbala beginning some 200 years ago. "We believe every recent bombing at a Shia shrine or mosque in Iraq can be traced to the Wahhabis," says a Shia leader in New York.

But numerous Sunni Muslims also express disdain for Wahhabis. "When we were growing up in Iraq, to call someone a Wahhabi was a serious insult," a leading Iraq-born Sunni religious figure told me. "They were held in contempt because of their ban on praying in mosques that had graveyards or saintly tombs on their grounds." Opposition to honoring the dead is a major Wahhabi tenet.

Through much of the Saddam era, the Baathist regime, showing its secular and modernist faces, and inspired by the dictator's resentment of the Saudis, repressed the Wahhabis. But they organized underground and obtained arms and military training; now they are prominent both in terror attacks they coordinate with the leading Wahhabi organization, al Qaeda, and in attacks by other Sunni troublemakers.

Recent reporting from Iraq has even described outreach by Wahhabis to Sunnis who follow the Islamic mystical Sufi movements, although Wahhabis and Sufis have typically undergone bloody confrontations. Wahhabism, which proscribes music as well as various traditional Islamic customs, has sought to extirpate Sufism from the faith.

From the beginning of the Iraq intervention, Kurdish Sunnis, whose region is overwhelmingly dominated by Sufism, expressed fear of Wahhabi penetration. They reported Wahhabi desecration of cemeteries--always an early sign of the Saudi-backed infiltration that has been going on since the early 1990s, from the Balkans to the borders of China.

An individual calling himself Mullah Krekar, religious mentor of the terrorist group Ansar al-Islam, which first operated in Kurdistan and then moved to the Sunni Triangle, declared defiantly last year, in a television debate broadcast on the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation, that he was proud to be described as a disciple of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, founder of the eponymous movement. From his Nordic sanctuary, the flamboyant mullah has long sent others to kill and die in Kurdistan. On January 13, a Norwegian court ordered Mullah Krekar held in prison in Norway while an investigation of his links to terror activities continues.

Just two months ago, a report from Iraq by Vernon Loeb, in the Washington Post, included the following significant comments: "Division commanders also said they now have solid evidence that Baathists loyal to Hussein are cooperating with Iraqi Islamic radicals whom the military refers to as Wahhabis, a particularly puritanical sect of Muslims dominant in Saudi Arabia. 'The Wahhabis love Osama bin Laden, the former regime loyalists love Saddam, they both hate us, and the enemy of my enemy is my friend,' said one officer. 'They are in cahoots 100 percent.'"

Beginning last summer, Saudi names began appearing among those of "martyrs" killed in Iraq. Late in November, the Saudi opposition website arabianews.org, which had chronicled the deaths of various Saudi jihad fighters in Iraq, reported the death of Adel Al-Naser from Riyadh. Al-Naser was killed on November 21 in Bagobah, a city near Baghdad. The website observed that "the number of Saudis fighting [in Iraq] has been rising over the past few months." Furthermore, Saudi guards on the Iraqi border told the website's writers, "Saudi fighters are still heading to Iraq, with little scrutiny by Saudi authorities." A guard commander in Rafha, a border outpost southwest of the Iraqi line, complained that he had asked for more equipment and personnel to monitor the area, but never received them. The guards merely fire warning shots when they observe people crossing the border illegally. Another guard, quoted by the same website, said "the infiltrators are highly skilled at crossing the borders."

In an earlier report on the website, a Saudi border guard noted, "We used to have problems with Iraqis fleeing into Saudi territories, but now the problem is with hundreds of Saudis crossing into Iraq."

And Saudi jihadists don't need to go to Afghanistan or Chechnya for training before they head to Iraq. On January 15 the Associated Press reported the Saudi government's recognition, as if it were a sudden discovery, that al Qaeda has desert training camps near Saudi cities.

Meanwhile, it is clear that the jihadists are concerned that Iraqis are turning against them. Some would prefer to avoid Iraq and any other theater of operations where most of the victims of their bombings will be Muslims. But apparently the main terror command--al Qaeda--values the Iraqi theater as a diversion from Saudi Arabia. At the end of 2003, an al Qaeda website, qoqaz.net, which became well known for its propaganda focusing on Chechnya, posted an audio interview with Sheikh Abu Omar Al-Seif, a Saudi subject and leading figure in Wahhabi mischief in the Caucasus. As translated by the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI), Al-Seif told the interviewer,



It is essential that the Jihad groups [in Iraq] unite and not separate, and that they have the political dimension to assemble the Sunnis, including the Kurds, the Arabs, and the Turkmens. All must be united under the same political power. Similarly, there must be an information and a religious preaching arm. . . . I recommend to the Mujahideen that instead of engaging in clashes and warfare against the Saudi government, it is better to go to Iraq.

He emphasized that last point by repeating it: "Turn to Iraq instead of confronting the Saudi government."

The Saudis have a long history of using foreign jihad campaigns to divert attention from crises at home, and to reinforce the hold of Wahhabism, their state religion, over their subjects. In Iraq, they have returned to their original field of bloodshed, which Wahhabi troops first attacked early in the 19th century. At that time, a British writer traveling in the region, Thomas Hope, recorded rumors that "in the very midst of Baghdad, in the broad face of day, Wahhabis had been seen--scarcely disguised--taking note of the individuals and marking the houses, which their vengeance or avarice had devoted to destruction." Plus ca change . . .

Stephen Schwartz is the author of "The Two Faces of Islam: Saudi Fundamentalism and Its Role in Terrorism," an Anchor paperback.

? Copyright 2004, News Corporation, Weekly Standard, All Rights Reserved.

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Tuesday, 27 January 2004

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Popping the Health Care Cost Bubble
Maybe health care would be cheaper if the customer actually paid for it.
Ronald Bailey
"Starting this year, millions of Americans will be able to save money tax-free for their medical expenses, in a health savings account," declared President George Bush in his State of the Union speech. He clearly knows that health care will be the top domestic issue in the 2004 presidential campaign. Why? Because health spending in the United States soared by 9.3 percent in 2002, the largest increase in 11 years, according to a report from U.S. Health and Human Services officials in the journal Health Affairs. (The total spending was $1.6 trillion, around $5,440 for every man, woman, and child in the nation.) Health care expenditures now account for about 15 percent of the U.S. gross domestic product.
Most Americans (61.3 percent) are still enmeshed in the dysfunctional third-party payment system in which health insurance is supplied through their employers. Since the 1940s, Americans have had little reason to worry about how much they spend on medical care, because someone else usually pays for it. This is thanks to World War II-era tax laws that allowed employers to increase compensation without actually raising wages, during war-inspired wage controls, through non-taxed contributions of health insurance. Without that consumer discipline, doctors and hospitals have had little reason to control their expenses. The predictable result: spiraling health care costs.
In the face of double-digit health insurance premium increases, more companies are trying to rein in their health care costs by adopting "consumer-driven" health care options. Such plans are designed to make health care costs transparent to employees by making them responsible for managing their own health care costs.
One increasingly popular mechanism for this is the flexible spending account (FSAs) in which companies allow employees to make pre-tax payroll deductions that can be spent on unreimbursed medical expenses. For example, expenses incurred before the insurance deductible is met and currently uncovered vision and dental expenses. One catch: The employee must guess how much to deduct, and if she is wrong, she loses any money she doesn't spend during the year.
But as President Bush highlighted last night, there is now another option--Health Savings Accounts (HSAs). These new HSAs, included in the very flawed Medicare prescription law, offer a possible path out of the third-party payment hell in which employers, employees, and doctors find themselves.
Similar to FSAs, HSAs allow employees to set aside pretax money to cover routine checkups, co-pays, prescription drugs, vaccinations, and so forth, while costly medical procedures would be covered by high-deductible insurance policies. But unlike FSAs, employees may keep their own money, rolling over any unspent funds in their HSAs at the end of the year and investing the money for future medical expenses.
HSAs have many attractive features. They are available to anyone under age 65. HSA participants can deduct from their gross income all contributions equal to 100 percent of their policy deductible. (The maximum amounts for 2004 are $2,600 per individual and $5,150 per family.) And "high-deductible plans" aren't so uncomfortably high under this proposal, defined as $1,000 or higher deductible for individuals, $2,000 or higher deductible for families. Also, employers as well as employees may make contributions to HSAs, so instead of an employer paying money to insurance companies for low-deductible policies, they can give the money to their employees directly. And best of all for those worried about the instability of linking health insurance with steady employment, if a person loses her job, she can withdraw funds from her HSA to continue her family's health insurance coverage. Furthermore, President Bush wants to permit "individuals who buy catastrophic health care coverage, as part of our new health savings accounts, be allowed to deduct 100 percent of the premiums from their taxes."
Employers will be attracted to HSAs because they will be able to lower their health care expenses by offering their employees higher-deductible insurance plans. Such plans generally cost 20 to 60 percent less than conventional low-deductible health insurance policies.
HSAs are no longer just a curiosity for aficionados of market incentives in health care. For example, Blue Cross in Minnesota announced this week that it will offer a high-deductible policy combined with HSAs.
HSAs provide the best policy fix for spiraling health care costs. They'd function like training wheels for consumer-driven health care markets. As individuals become more knowledgeable consumers of health care services, they will shop around, demanding more for their money, not just blithely thinking, "the insurance company will cover it."
Eventually businesses could simply give their employees the option of either staying with the traditional one-size-fits-all health care plan chosen by the company or taking that money and buying health insurance on their own. Once people get used to shopping for reasonable prices and being able to keep the money they save from doing so, the whole cost-ballooning third party payment system could well unravel in health care, making it more like a normal market--that is, one in which the actual customer pays for what she gets and benefits personally from frugality. Of course, it is no crime for a rich culture to spend a lot on health care, especially when we are increasingly using new, and still expensive, treatments. But with HSAs, at least, health care costs can be as low as they could be instead of being as high as possible.
Ronald Bailey, Reason's science correspondent, is the editor of Global Warming and Other Eco Myths (Prima Publishing) and Earth Report 2000: Revisiting the True State of the Planet(McGraw-Hill). His new book, Liberation Biology: An Ethical and Scientific Defense of the Biotech Revolution will be published by Prometheus later this year.
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Now It's 'Us vs. Them'
by Lawrence Kudlow
Posted Jan 26, 2004
The Iowa Democrats did the entire party a favor by nominating Sens. Kerry and Edwards -- rather than the nutty Howard Dean -- in their caucus votes Monday. But the results need a reality check.
With their Us vs. Them vision of the economy and culture, Kerry and Edwards are clear enemies of the investor class. Though they themselves are millionaires, they are running against successful earners, entrepreneurs and investors -- people who worked their way into higher tax brackets and benefited greatly from President Bush's 2003 tax-cut plan. Namely, Kerry and Edwards would cancel the tax cuts on investor dividends and capital gains, repeal the drop in high-end income-tax rates and overturn the planned elimination of the inheritance tax.
This is why the stock market opened the day after Iowa on a less-than-gleeful note, despite booming earnings reports left and right. The market knows what the new Democratic frontrunners seem not to know: Bush's tax cuts on investment have resurrected the stock market and reignited the economy. Instead of punishing investment, Bush's plan rewarded it. By taxing capital less, indeed roughly 40 percent less, we are getting more capital investment.
If elected, however, Edwards would raise the tax rate on capital gains to 25 percent from 15 percent. Both candidates would eliminate the 15 percent tax rate on dividends and roll it back to the new higher top tax rate, which would be somewhere between 40 percent and 45 percent.
Apparently neither man understands the incentive model of economic growth, which is the backbone of supply-side economics. Their class-warfare approach to the economy seems to assume that by hurting the rich, they will somehow help the non-rich. This is the classic fallacy of the so-called populist approach of liberal Democrats in recent years. It is completely at odds with President John F. Kennedy's vision of rewarding everyone in society with lower tax rates, which are designed to produce a larger economic pie.
A winning tax program is never about those who are already rich. They can shelter and hide their money from the IRS 10 different ways. But a truly growth-oriented approach to tax policy provides fresh rewards for those attempting to climb the ladder of success. However, barricading the doorway to opportunity is no way to make the non-rich rich.
Countries all over the world have been reducing high marginal tax rates in order to spur more work and investment. JFK understood this 40 years ago. But for some reason, Kerry and Edwards have failed to either read or understand history. Rather than borrow a page from Kennedy -- or his Democratic descendents Zell Miller and John Breaux -- they've gone to the playbook of Walter Mondale and Michael Dukakis.
The oddest paradigm of all comes from Edwards. He talks about creating a "movement" that will somehow bring down rich America in order to boost "ordinary" America. This class-warfare speak is circa 1920, and it makes no sense in a United States where 55 percent of families -- over 90 million people -- own stock. These are the folks who supply savings to new business ventures that create new jobs.
More, Edwards makes a good show of lashing out at special interests. But the former trial lawyer is the tort bar's main man in Washington. Formerly great American companies like Bethlehem Steel, Kaiser Aluminum and W.R. Grace were bankrupted by asbestos lawsuits, but Edwards does not appear inclined to eliminate frivolous litigation and unsubstantiated tort claims. Nor does he realize that reforming medical malpractice lawsuits would be the greatest single contribution to lower health-care costs.
When it comes to taxes and tort, there's nothing moderate about the new Democratic frontrunners. Yet President Bush -- particularly by reducing tax burdens across the board on the ownership class -- has demonstrated a true understanding of what makes our economy tick.
And he knows there's more to do. His push for new tax-free savings plans will provide even more capital for the expansion of American business and jobs. Rewarding success, not punishing it, is the Texan's key understanding of a modern-day economy.
Be it Us vs. Them, or Rich vs. Ordinary, Americans now have a clear choice between government dependency and individual responsibility and opportunity. Whether it's Kerry, Edwards, Dean or whoever in November, the Democrats have drawn the line in the sand this election. Perhaps it will be a replay of 2000, where Gore took a populist left turn and deserted Clinton centrism. But this time, a rising economic tide, and the new wealth creation of the investor class in 2003 and 2004, means the ownership vision will triumph over the big-government hallucination.
Copyright ? 2003 HUMAN EVENTS. All Rights Reserved.

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Conservatives Back Bush Idea for Social Security
by Peter Ferrara
Posted Jan 23, 2004
In his State of the Union address, President Bush stated his strong support for a personal account option for Social Security. "Younger workers," he said, "should have the opportunity to build a nest egg by saving part of their Social Security taxes in a personal retirement account."
The President will raise this issue in his campaign. He wants this historic reform to be part of his legacy, and a broad coalition of conservatives is forming to support him on it.
Still, many reformers were discouraged that he didn't say more. Reports before the speech indicated he would make it a bigger part of his presentation.
Based on what I have heard, the speech did originally highlight Social Security personal accounts much more, with a major theme of building an ownership society. But Republicans on the Hill, still scared of the issue, implored the President to cut it back, and spare them from having to deal with Social Security in this election.
They still fail to recognize the importance of this proposal. For conservatives, this can be one of the most important reforms of the last hundred years. A new coalition of 25 major conservative leaders recognizes precisely that.
Largest Tax Cut in History
Just what this initiative can involve was demonstrated in a proposal I recently developed for the Institute for Policy Innovation. The Chief Actuary of Social Security has now officially scored the proposal. Its main components are:
Out of the 12.4% Social Security tax, workers could choose to shift to personally owned, individual accounts, 10 percentage points on the first $10,000 in wages (or $1,000) each year, and 5 percentage points on all wages above that, to the maximum Social Security taxable income ($87,000 this year).
Benefits payable from the tax-free accounts would substitute for a portion of Social Security benefits based on the degree to which workers exercised the account option over their careers.
Workers would pick a fund managed by a major private investment firm from a list officially approved for this purpose and regulated for safety and soundness, similar to the system adopted in Chile 25 years ago, and to the operation of the Federal Employee Thrift Retirement System.
The personal accounts would be backed up by a federal guarantee that workers with personal accounts would receive at least as much as promised by Social Security under current law.
There would be no change in currently promised Social Security benefits of any sort, for those retired today or in the future. Survivors and disability benefits would continue as under the current system without change.
The official scoring of this proposal by the Chief Actuary of Social Security showed the following:
The reform plan achieves full solvency in Social Security by 2029, with permanent and growing surpluses thereafter, all without any benefit cuts or tax increases.
Indeed, the Chief Actuary actually calculated that the permanent surpluses in Social Security thereafter would be so large that the payroll tax rate could be reduced from 12.4% down to 3.5%, with 6.4 percentage points on average going instead into the accounts. Under the current unreformed system, the Chief Actuary has scored that under intermediate assumptions the payroll tax rate would have to rise to over 20%.
Bottom line: The plan involves the largest tax cut in world history.
At the same time, the accounts in the plan are large enough that at standard market investment returns they would provide workers across the board with higher benefits than Social Security promises, let alone what it can pay. The study I did for the Institute for Policy Innovation shows that with the accounts invested half in stocks and half in bonds, workers at all income levels would enjoy about 60% more from the accounts than from the Social Security as it is. With a higher proportion invested in stocks, the benefits would be even higher.
The reform would actually solve the financing crisis while cutting taxes and increasing benefits. That should not be a surprise. That is what happened in Chile as well. This results because the accounts produce a large increase in national wealth and income, through increased savings and investment, and lower taxes.
In addition, the Chief Actuary estimated under the reform plan that the personal wealth of working people would be increased by over $7 trillion in present value dollars through the accounts.
Moreover, in the process of shifting reliance to the personal accounts, the unfunded liability of Social Security, currently estimated at $10.5 trillion, would be eliminated. This is three times the current reported national debt.
With workers shifting a major portion of the payroll tax to personal accounts, transition financing is needed to cover Social Security benefit obligations to seniors while the new accounts are phasing in. The Chief Actuary of Social Security scored the following four transition financing mechanisms as sufficient to cover this transition-financing burden.
1. Devote the short-term Social Security surpluses projected until 2018 to the reform plan.
2. Reduce the rate of growth of federal spending by one percentage point each year for eight years, with the savings devoted to the reform plan. In this case, the proposal would provide a vehicle for beginning to get runaway federal spending under control.
3. The reform produces increased corporate tax revenues due to new corporate income resulting from corporate investment of the growing personal account savings. These funds would also be devoted to financing the transition.
4. To the extent needed each year, excess Social Security trust fund bonds would be sold to the public with the funds used to ensure payment of full Social Security benefits. This is what those trust fund bonds are for. Under the current system, those bonds are just going to be redeemed for cash from the federal government anyway after 2018, until the trust fund is exhausted in 2042.
After Social Security achieves solvency, the surpluses produced by the reform are sufficient to pay off this debt sold by the public within the next 15 years. So the net effect of the reform on debt held by the public is zero. With the elimination of Social Security's unfunded liability, this reform does more to reduce effective government debt than fiscal conservatives ever dreamed was possible up until now.
The official score of the Chief Actuary of Social Security shows that the transition is economically feasible.
Sweeping Benefits
The sweeping and dramatic benefits of this reform would be truly historic, particularly in their advancement of long-term conservative economic policy goals. Conservative leaders are increasingly recognizing this. Those who have endorsed such reform include Jack Kemp, Newt Gingrich, Steve Moore and the Club for Growth, Grover Norquist and Americans for Tax Reform, Charlie Jarvis and the United Seniors Association, David Keene and the American Conservative Union, and Tom Giovanetti and the Institute for Policy Innovation.
A recently released letter to the White House signed by 25 major conservative leaders urges the President to adopt a large personal account reform plan along these lines. Additional names on the letter include Bill Bennett, Dick Armey, Star Parker, Lew Uhler, Jim Martin, Robert Carleson, Richard Rahn, Kellyanne Conway, and Morton Blackwell, among others. These leaders are now joining together to form a new coalition, the Alliance for Retirement Prosperity to advance such reform.
Hill Republicans may have been scared away from joining such a positive and historic effort out of the false fear that a reform plan would include large cuts in future, promised Social Security benefits as well. But the official score of the reform plan by the Chief Actuary of Social Security now shows that with larger personal accounts of the magnitude proposed here, future benefit reductions are not needed.
Now is the time for conservatives, libertarians and progressives to join together to push this historic reform over the top. We have the power now to accomplish this if we work together.
Copyright ? 2003 HUMAN EVENTS. All Rights Reserved.

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Getting Personal
Individual Social Security accounts will work. Here's how.
By William G. Shipman
In his State of the Union address, President Bush briefly discussed one of the most important issues facing Americans today: Social Security reform. Now that campaigning for the 2004 elections is under way, we'll probably hear a lot about why the Social Security system should be revamped to include individual accounts invested in stocks and bonds. Opponents of reform have already played their cards; they argue that it's impossible to manage 140 million personal accounts, let alone do so cost-effectively. They're wrong and here's why.
I recently led a group of professionals, representing many disciplines, to determine whether such a system were feasible. After careful study, we concluded that it is. The administrative architecture of our reformed Social Security structure, which I outlined in testimony before the House Budget Committee Task Force on Social Security, was reviewed by the General Accounting Office and was adopted by the President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security.
My group started with a list of eight principles that we considered necessary for success. The system would have individual accounts with assets owned by the account holder; reasonable costs; a low employer-administrative burden; opportunities for workers of all income levels to participate; a structure so that inexperienced investors would not suffer poor returns relative to experienced investors; investment choice and a solution for participants who make no investment choice; and lastly, automatic adjustments to match technological innovations offered by the financial-services industry.
Collectively, these principles look a bit like 401(k) plans, which serve about 45 million people. We considered simply adopting the 401(k) model as the solution but then rejected it because no nationwide infrastructure now exists that is capable of collecting and immediately investing savings from 140 million workers. The only close approximation is the payroll tax, which all employers pay for their employees. The problem with using that process is that the reconciliation of the payroll tax to the individual's name does not happen until the following calendar year after the employer sends W-2 forms to both its employees and the government. Unworkable. An individual cannot invest in marketable securities whose prices are changing when it is not known who the individual is and how much he is investing at the time of the transaction.
The solution we settled on was to employ at least one investment option that did not require timely and detailed individual contribution data. We called this Level 1.
At Level 1, a worker's employer sends payroll taxes to the U.S. Treasury. The employer tells Treasury how much of the total payment is from employees who have chosen the personal-retirement-account option. Treasury then transfers that portion to a private-sector custodian bank, which then invests the total amount in a money market fund which is always priced at one dollar, a standard industry convention.
The following year, when the contribution is reconciled to the individual's name using the W-2 form, the fund's shares are distributed to each worker representing his contributions and interest credit. He then transfers his Level 1 assets to one of three balanced funds, each highly diversified and invested in thousands of securities. These funds are called Level 2.
One of the Level 2 balanced funds would be comprised of assets that approximate the portfolio construction of successful corporate defined-benefit plans. Such plans usually have stocks and bonds in a 60/40 percent weight, respectively. This fund is the default portfolio, where one is invested if no choice is made. The two other funds would have the same asset classes but with different weights. For younger workers, one fund with a higher concentration of stocks would be created. Another fund, more geared toward less-volatile bonds, would be appropriate for those near retirement. Although workers could choose any of the three funds, the funds themselves are designed for differing ages.
After three years or so, when Level 2 has accumulated significant assets and economies of scale, each worker could elect to transfer assets from Level 2 to Level 3. This Level would be more like the retail financial-services environment. Although portfolio composition would be comparable to the funds in Level 2, there would be less-restrictive investment guidelines. The institutions and providers at Level 3 may want to offer additional goods and services, such as retirement planning software, to attract assets from Level 2. Each worker could allocate his assets at will among Level 3 providers. This would ensure stiff competition as each provider strives to meet investor needs. Costs would most likely be greater than at Level 2, but they would be incurred only if an individual chose to shift to Level 3.
Workers could also move some or all of their Level 3 assets back to Level 2, a platform with fewer features, but also lower costs. The competition across Level 3 providers, and between Levels 2 and 3, would ensure that workers receive the greatest amount of goods and services at the lowest possible cost. While all of these financial management decisions are taking place, new savings continue to be invested in Level 1 until the reconciliation to each individual's name. When and if a record-keeping system is developed that tracks worker savings as they are made, Level 1 could be disbanded.
Workers would receive an annual statement, have Internet and phone access to their accounts, and be able to make daily choices in Level 3 and annual changes in Level 2. They would receive professional asset management, custody of their assets, and state-of the-art record keeping of their accounts.
The cost of this system through Level 2 -- including asset management, custody, record keeping, 175 to 350 million phone calls a year to a customer service center, and other costs (including postage) -- are estimated to be about 3 tenths of one percent of accumulated assets, significantly less than most mutual fund costs.
The modernization of Social Security is not just a good idea -- it is a necessity. Those seeking political office in 2004 will have to respond to voter questions about how they would reform Social Security. Fortunately for them, much of the work has already been done.
-- William G. Shipman is chairman of CarriageOaks Partners LLC and co-chairman of the Cato Institute Project on Social Security Choice.
http://www.nationalreview.com/nrof_comment/shipman200401270852.asp

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Loose Canons
A Moral Choice?
By Jed Babbin
Published 1/26/2004 12:08:18 AM
Ariel Sharon's government has made what he calls a "moral choice" to swap more than 400 prisoners for the bodies of three Israeli soldiers and businessman Elhanan Tennenbaum. The swap has been in the works for about three years, and has been facilitated by German negotiators. The choice Mr. Sharon has made is indeed a moral one. It is a wrong one, because the other party to the swap is Hezbollah, the Iranian and Syrian-backed terrorist organization.
The theory behind the deal is that those who are being released -- including Lebanese, Palestinians, and others -- don't have blood on their hands. They aren't accused of terrorist acts, and are held for other "normal" crimes such as car theft. But what Israel begins with them does not end with them. Even before the exchange, the Hezbollah leaders are talking about the next stage, when they will bargain for the release of those such as Samir Kuntar, who -- according to Ha'aretz, an Israeli newspaper -- "killed an Israeli policeman and three members of the same family." Once Israel takes this step, it sets itself on an endless path. And that is the problem with Mr. Sharon's moral choice.
Is it ever moral to negotiate with terrorists? America -- at least publicly -- says no. But even we aren't above trying to get hostages released by paying ransom. When the Burnhams -- American missionaries in the Philippines -- were held hostage by terrorists, National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice engineered a payment of more than $100,000 to a middleman who promised he could deliver the Burnhams from the hands of the terrorists. Of course, he disappeared with the money. Later, one of the Burnhams died in a rescue attempt by the Philippine military. The issue isn't whether the ransom succeeded. The issue is whether we -- or any other nation -- should pay ransom for hostages, whether in cash or released prisoners.
As Churchill once said, any clever person can make plans for winning a war if he has no responsibility for carrying them out. It is very easy to judge harshly those who have that responsibility. Israel has been the victim of terrorism since its birth. Its dealings with terrorism have succeeded and failed in about equal proportion, due mainly to the fact that the terrorists it faces have international support. Yassir Arafat is even welcomed to the UN's community of nations in the status that should be reserved -- at least -- for those who are not themselves terrorists. (That, of course, would reduce the number of UN members considerably.) Do even those facts justify what Israel is doing?
Though Israel is our ally, we cannot see this question through their eyes. America is at war. Not with terrorism, which is a strategy, but with terrorists and the nations that support them. We have been fortunate that few Americans have been taken hostage but, inevitably, more will be. What shall we do the next time Americans are kidnapped for political ransom, not merely for money? We cannot do what Israel is now doing. We have to do what we did when Wall Street Journal reporter Danny Pearl was kidnapped. We do our best to rescue (with whatever force is appropriate, be they the FBI or the Delta Force) and refuse to trade. Anything or anybody.
One aspect of the Israeli deal with Hezbollah brings this issue home to every American. Excluded from the deal is missing Israeli Air Force navigator Ron Arad, whose aircraft was lost in 1986. It's likely that Hezbollah has knowledge of Arad, or his death, but the swap will occur without any development on Arad's fate. U.S. Navy Captain Michael Scott Speicher's aircraft was shot down on the first day of the 1991 Gulf War. His remains have never been recovered, and various reports are that he was alive as late as 2002. If Hezbollah or some other terrorist group produced Speicher for the international press, and demanded the release of some terrorists for him, what should the president do?
THE QUESTION IS NOT AN academic one. There are hundreds of terrorist prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The release of some or all of them could be demanded by terrorists holding American hostages. If we ever were so stupid as to take bin Laden alive, kidnapping of American hostages to obtain his release would be a virtual certainty. Scott Speicher is -- if he is alive -- a different case. He's a military man, and terrorists are too media-savvy to try to ransom soldiers. They know that a soldier isn't worth as much on the world's stage as a civilian. Especially a kid.
The pressure on America would be enormous. Imagine the headlines, the tearful Dan Rather coverage of, say, Hezbollah videotapes of a few little girls held in some dank cave, crying for their mothers. Families would be broken by the horror and the sorrow. It would touch every one of us every day it went on, every moment. How could any American president not bargain for their release? I would hate to have to make that decision. But if I did, I would want it to be the right one, and the right one can only be to refuse. America's security cannot be held hostage to the life of any American, young or old. Because if it were, the whole nation and all its interests would be hostage to anything terrorists desired. No terrorist would need to fear us, and no ally could count on us after we gave in to terrorists' demands. All we can do is fight. Like the Israelis do, or at least did.
The infamous Black September attack on the Israeli Olympic team in Germany didn't end with the horrifically botched German rescue attempt at the airport, when so many were killed. The Israelis doggedly pursued the terrorists who had escaped, and their superiors. For more than a decade, the Mossad hunted them down and killed them one by one. We would have to do that, and more. Much more.
Terrorism is, by definition, immoral. By agreeing to bargain with the hostage takers, we would make the decision to be -- in a way -- immoral too. The only step we should not take is to engage in their immoral ways, and that includes kidnapping. Many of the measures the Israelis take to fight terrorists are unsuccessful because they cannot stop the nations that harbor terrorists from doing so. If Americans were held hostage, we could take steps they can't. We could attack any terrorist camps we know of, anywhere in the world, constantly and relentlessly. It might not result in the release of the hostages, but it would be more effective than even the president's warning after 9-11. No sanctuary, no respite from American pressure and attack should be America's response.
There will be limits to the war against terrorists and the nations that support them. But we -- and the law of war -- must be the ones to set them, or someone else will do it for us, and we will lose.
TAS Contributing Editor Jed Babbin was a deputy undersecretary of defense in the first Bush administration, and now appears as a talking warhead on radio and television.
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How the Democratic Party Plans to Win in 2004
by Phyllis Schlafly
Posted Jan 27, 2004
Despite President George W. Bush's high poll numbers, the Democrats think they have the key to winning the 2004 elections. Get the votes of convicted felons. Don't laugh; the Democrats are deadly serious.
The nation's 4 million convicted felons could be enough to swing the November election. Surveys show that the overwhelming majority would vote Democratic if they could, so felons are a voting bloc that Democrats are just itching to harvest.
In addition to providing the magic bullet to elect their candidates in November, this issue reprises all the sour grapes whining by Democrats about the president winning Florida in 2000. The Democrats know that if felons had been allowed to vote in Florida, Al Gore would have won Florida and be president today.
The laws of 48 states restrict the ability of convicted felons to vote, and those state laws vary widely.
State laws may distinguish between those who are now behind bars and those who have been released, or whether they are repeat offenders, or whether they are violent or nonviolent offenders, or whether they are parolees or probationers. Maine and Vermont allow convicts to vote even when they are in prison.
Allowing felons to vote is highly unpopular with Americans, but laws are amended from time to time. Since 1996, nine states have repealed a few of their voting barriers for convicted felons, while three states made their laws tougher.
These changes don't appear to have anything to do with partisanship or geography. The states easing their bans were Alabama, Maryland, Virginia, Connecticut, Delaware, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas and Wyoming. The states that toughened their policies were Massachusetts (by constitutional amendment), Utah and Kansas.
The Democrats haven't a chance for wholesale repeal of these laws. So the are doing what liberals always do: They line up the American Civil Liberties Union and other left-wing lawyers and seek out activist judges to issue rulings that elected legislators will not make.
Democrats are using a study made by two sociologists, one at the University of Minnesota and the other at Northwestern University, suggesting that, since 1978, seven U.S. Senate races plus the 2000 presidential election would have turned out differently if felons had been allowed to vote. The professors estimate that Florida felons would have given Al Gore an additional 60,000 votes, more than enough to wipe out Bush's narrow margin of victory.
To try to give convicted felons the franchise, Democrats are playing the race card, asserting that state laws have a "disparate impact" on blacks and Hispanics and therefore violate equal-protection guarantees. The laws, of course, are colorblind. Furthermore, it is no more discriminatory to deny felons their franchise than to deny them certain categories of employment, child custody or gun ownership.
Lawsuits have been filed to overturn the laws that bar felons from voting in the states of Florida, New York, New Jersey, and Washington.
Florida's law permits felons to regain their voting rights by executive clemency and Florida's department of corrections has agreed to assist felons navigate the restoration process. Officials estimate that 130,000 Florida felons will soon be empowered to vote, but Democrats are still going forward with their lawsuit.
The 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta by a 2-1 vote reversed a District Court ruling in December and ordered a trial on the race allegations in Florida, even though the plaintiffs presented no evidence of racial animus. The 11th U.S. Circuit Court decision was written by one of Clinton's most controversial nominees, Judge Rosemary Barkett.
The dissenting opinion in the 11th U.S. Circuit Court case pointed out that the 14th Amendment, Section 2, "explicitly allows states to disenfranchise convicted felons." Furthermore, the dissent explained, in the time when Florida adopted the rule against voting by felons, no "disparate impact" on minorities existed, so there could not have been bias in the adoption of the rule.
A U.S. District Court in Spokane, Wash., dismissed a case brought by prison inmates, but the liberal 9th U.S. Circuit Court sent Farrakhan vs. State of Washington back for trial. The felons want the law overturned because blacks make up 37 percent of the felons denied the franchise.
New Jersey allows felons to vote after they complete their incarceration, parole or probation, but that doesn't please Democrats. Ten ex-convicts, including a convicted killer, are suing to void the state law, because 81 percent of the prison population, 75 percent of parolees and 52 percent of probationers are black or Hispanic.
These plaintiffs are backed by the Constitutional Litigation Clinic at the Rutgers University School of Law, the New Jersey State Conference of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the Latino Leadership Alliance of New Jersey and the ACLU.
The U.S. Constitution reserves the matter of voting regulations to state legislatures and specifically authorizes the disenfranchisement of felons. We should not permit activist judges to change the laws.
Copyright ? 2003 HUMAN EVENTS. All Rights Reserved.
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>> LEFT WATCH...

Rudderless in the Storm
Arab Politics Before and After the Iraq War
http://www.dissentmagazine.org/
by Fawaz A. Gerges
While the United States and Britain are engaged in a heated debate regarding the official explanations and justifications offered for the war on Iraq, no similar soul searching has occurred in the Arab world. Arab rulers have little to say about the dismal failure of their diplomacy and their inability to act in a way that would have put the interests of the Iraqi people over those of Saddam Hussein. On the eve of the war, Arab politicians fretted over merely tactical issues-whether to publicize their opposition to the U.S.-led war or to pin the blame on Hussein-rather than helping Iraqis rid themselves of a tyrannical regime.
Inter-Arab diplomacy was more of a public relations exercise than a concerted effort at resolving the crisis. Words were substituted for actions. The Iraqi crisis has added weight to the accusation that Arabs are zahira sawtiya (a merely polemical phenomenon), taken seriously by neither friend nor foe. Regardless of whether the ruling elites appreciated the gravity of the crisis and its potential repercussions on regional order, their inaction highlighted not only the splits within their ranks but also their moral bankruptcy.
The old order was crumbling before their eyes. Yet Arab leaders buried their heads in the sand, hoping that the storm would pass with minimum damage to their autocratic rule. No serious thought was given to taking the lead in trying to force Saddam Hussein out of power, thus forestalling the U.S. war and sparing the Iraqi people. Given the obsessive determination of the Bush administration to go to war against Saddam's regime, the Arabs could not have it both ways: saving both the regime and Iraq's suffering population. They failed to make a clear decision to help the people and so sided indirectly with Saddam.
To act on behalf of the people would have required both visionary leadership, a willingness to take risks, and a tough political realism-traits in short supply in the Arab world. What transpired instead on the diplomatic scene were vacuous formalities, procrastination, recrimination, and inaction: in other words, stasis. Arab rulers proved true to the norm, speaking in double-tongued proclamations and innuendoes to their own populations and the world. They publicly swore by the Almighty to oppose the coming war, while privately feigning impotence and promising to support their superpower patron. Never mind that they didn't test or maximize their bargaining power as Turkey did. Never mind that they didn't level with their citizens about being beholden to Washington and about Saddam Hussein's numbered days. A convincing argument could have been made that Hussein must go for the sake of the Iraqi people and the survival of their state-not just because the White House aimed at the destruction of the Baath regime.
But to ask for forethought would have been asking too much of a cynical, hardened lot who have survived for so long by mastering the art of double-talk and obfuscation. Hardly any lessons were learned from previous crises in 1967 and 1990. The problem with their charade is not only that it has deepened public cynicism-unleashing a frenzy of conspiratorial theories; it has also exacerbated the legitimacy crisis of the Arab political order. Never before have the ruling autocrats been as naked in the eyes of their publics as they are now. Never before has the gap been larger between the Arab ruling elite and the people they rule. It is a miracle that the autocratic Arab state system has endured for so long with so little legitimacy. The possibility of its sudden collapse, along Iranian lines, cannot be discounted. In the meantime, politics mutates into extremism at home and terrorism abroad. The seeds of both lie in the structure of the closed Arab system and the unholy alliance between the ruling social classes and the conservative religious establishment.
What Did the Arab States Want?
The men in power cared neither about Saddam Hussein nor about his captive subjects. Their overriding goal was to preserve the status quo and limit the impact of the crisis on their tribal fiefdoms. They also hoped to please the Bush administration and avoid being targeted by its hard-liners. Their immediate political survival took precedence over everything else, regardless of the long-term corrosive effects of the crisis on their rule and on the geo-strategic balance of power.
When heads of Arab states finally met in Cairo on the eve of the war, they split into two camps. The radicals-Syria, Yemen, Libya, and Sudan-wished to affirm their opposition to the coming war and to ban any Arab state from providing logistical and material support to invading American forces. Although America's allies-Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Kuwait-all agreed to register opposition to the war, they refused to go along with the ban on logistical support. After all, these governments had already granted the Bush administration access to their bases and ports by previous agreement. It was, as everyone knew, a done deal. But the traditional form of inter-Arab ritual verbal exchange had to be faithfully observed, irrespective of the complete lack of substance.
In a nutshell, the Arab summit at the eve of the war was a dismal failure. It revealed deep rifts among Arab states and a general lack of foresight and vision. The radicals took the ideological high ground without considering the plight of the Iraqi people and the boiling anger of the United States. The moderates lacked intellectual forethought and the moral courage to establish the ground rules for avoiding war: Saddam Hussein and his close associates would have to go, and then the world community, along with the Arab League, would have to assist Iraqis in reconstituting their shattered institutions along more representative lines. Although that wouldn't have been easy, given Hussein's obsession with retaining power, even he, when faced with a united Arab front and an imminent foreign invasion, might have sought a diplomatic way out-a face-saving formula that ensured his own and his family's survival.
Such a risky strategy by the moderate Arab states would have been preferable to inaction because it would have aligned the majority of Arabs with the Iraqi people. Without that they were reduced to being passive onlookers of the unfolding drama, playing unwittingly into the hands of Hussein as well as of the Bush administration. The split within Arab ranks enabled the former to claim, and perhaps even to believe he had, a valid mandate to cling to power regardless of the costs to Iraq and its people and the latter to claim tacit Arab support for its military campaign.
Arab radicals and moderates did not wish to establish a precedent by forcing one of their own out of power, particularly at the insistence of a crusading superpower with a far-reaching agenda. They were more concerned with preserving their own power positions. The ideologues in the Bush administration did not help matters by their thinly veiled threats to replace all the authoritarian regimes in the region with democratically constituted ones. Arab autocrats, regardless of political orientation, felt targeted, and so they united in opposition to the American democratizing project. They had little incentive to facilitate Hussein's removal from power and thus hasten their own demise.
The cost of their inaction was that Arabs exercised no leverage over the Iraqi crisis, even though it struck at the very foundation of their political order. American officials spent considerable effort negotiating with Turkey and offering billions of dollars for use of its military bases. They also held secret talks with Iranian representatives to ensure Iran's neutrality during the war. In contrast, the United States had no reason to take the Arab states, radical or moderate, seriously.
Arab Public Opinion
Arab societies, not just Arab rulers, were deeply divided on how to deal with the Iraqi crisis. An alarming gap existed between Arab public opinion and its Iraqi counterpart. Deeply suspicious of U.S. foreign policy and socialized into an anti-American mind-set, Arab public opinion, or "the Arab street" as labeled by Western media, was overwhelmingly against the U.S. war. In Arab eyes, nothing good in foreign policy comes from the United States, which is seen to be hostile to their national interests. Forced to choose between liberation for Iraqis at American hands or direct or indirect support for Saddam Hussein, Arab public opinion, still enthralled by Nasserite ideology and Islamist symbols, chose the latter.
In contrast, Iraqis had more nuanced views and were desperate to be rid of their tyrant. Although they did not support a military invasion, they appeared willing to give the United States the benefit of the doubt in its campaign to topple the Baathist regime. They held their suspicion of the United States in check until the dust settled on the Iraqi battlefield. Many Arabs didn't fully appreciate the predicament of Iraqis terrorized by Saddam Hussein. They allowed their ideological preferences and elite interests to take precedence over human rights and freedom for their Iraqi brothers and sisters. The result is that now many Iraqis feel estranged from and deserted by other Arabs. Some are even calling for a realignment that frees Iraq from its Arab environment. A divisive feud is being fought between embittered Iraqis and unrepentant Arabs on the airways and editorial pages of leading newspapers. Its reverberations transcend Iraq and will likely shake the very foundation of inter-Arab relations.
The Iraqi crisis has discredited and weakened the Arab League. More important, it has shattered old myths regarding Arab solidarity and unity, the role of public opinion, and the meaning of "Arabness." Arabs were not only deeply divided, but they, or many of them, tacitly consented to the invasion and occupation of a sister state by a foreign power. Arab rulers stand naked in the eyes of their restive people, and the latter are pointing accusatory fingers at each other for failing Iraq and Iraqis. Iraqis reproach their fellow Arabs for their silence regarding Saddam's crimes against humanity: three hundred thousand Iraqis disappeared during the twenty-four years of his rule.
Now, months after the end of the war, Arab rulers have little to say about their vision for a post-Baath Iraq. Beyond generalities regarding the need for swift political enfranchisement of Iraqis, they have not clarified the role they would like to play in the new Iraq or the contribution they are willing to make to the reconstruction of Iraqi state and society. So far no serious proposal has been put on the table to deploy, for example, thousands of Arab peacekeepers in Iraq, within the context of an international multilateral force, to help secure the peace and intensify pressure on the Bush administration to transfer power. Such a policy initiative would indicate that Arab states are genuinely interested in making a difference in their own part of the world.
It is not convincing to claim, as Arab leaders do, that they are helpless, that the hard-liners in the Bush administration oppose their engagement in Iraq lest they create a new order in their own authoritarian image. The hard-liners in Washington are politically allergic to the whole international community, not just the Arabs. The latter can help shape the course of events in Iraq by joining international efforts to replace the logic of U.S. occupation with the logic of legitimate local authority. Inaction threatens to marginalize the Arabs further.
New Social Contract
A widespread sense of powerlessness pervades Arab political culture. In the old world, myths die hard. Arabs are faced with a grim reality of failed inter-Arab institutions and a paralyzing fixation on the chimera of pan-nationalist identity. The obsession with pan-nationalism has stalled the process of individual nation-building and has enabled brutal dictators to wreak havoc on their societies. Saddam Hussein, for example, justified his wars against Iran and Kuwait as a defense of Arab unity. Many horrors have been committed in the name of this once noble dream.
There is also a moral cost that has to be paid for the obsession with collective identity. Why should the sovereignty and sanctity of the Iraqi regime come before the welfare of its citizens? And does it matter if the country that freed the subjugated Iraqis was not Arab and was pursuing an ambitious agenda, extending far beyond freedom? Those painful questions are just beginning to be debated-but in a highly charged and volatile context. The big challenge is how to replace the discourse of defeat with the discourse of cultural and political renewal.
No tinkering with the existing order will do. Rather, there is an urgent need to structurally reform intra- and inter-Arab institutions and empower civil society. Respect for human rights and individual rights must be legally enshrined. Neither the interests of the separate nation-states nor of their trans-political, pan-Arab union should take precedence over those of the individual citizen. A free citizenry will prove more loyal to its country than a fettered one.
A new social contract is urgently needed to base the power of those who govern on the consent of the governed. Institutions that serve the common interest and generate a broad prosperity must replace the stagnant arrangements that cause today's blight and despair. Top priority should go to addressing the three key development challenges to the Arab world: dealing with the deficits in political freedom, the empowerment of women, and access to knowledge.
For example, this year's Arab Human Development Report, commissioned by the United Nations Development Program and written by more than forty Arab scholars, highlights the danger of the growing knowledge gap between the Arab region and the rest of the world. Data in the report tell a sad story of continued stagnation and decline in many areas of knowledge production and diffusion. The mass media are the most important agents for the public diffusion of knowledge, yet Arab countries have lower information media to population ratios than other nations. More damaging is that the Arab media operate in a harsh environment that restricts freedom of expression; most media are state owned.
Moreover, although the Arab countries represent 5 percent of world population, they produce only 1.1 percent of the world's books. True, they produce many religious pamphlets, but relatively few books that contribute to critical knowledge. Translation is a crucial channel for disseminating ideas and communicating with the rest of the world (at its apogee, Muslim culture was singularly responsible, through translation, for preserving classical ideas). Yet there are more books translated annually in one European country, Spain, than in all twenty-two Arab states. There are just eighteen computers per thousand people in the Arab world, compared with seventy-eight per thousand globally. Only 1.6 percent of the population has Internet access.
Equally alarming are the high rates of illiteracy among women in some of the less developed Arab countries. Many children still do not have access to basic education. And the education they get is declining in quality. College graduates tend to be ill-prepared to compete in the modern world. Those who are better prepared are increasingly disposed to emigrate in search of economic opportunities and political freedom. Roughly 25 percent of first-degree graduates in 1995-1996 emigrated. Between 1998 and 2000 more than fifteen thousand Arab doctors emigrated. The Arab region is being depopulated of its most educated citizens, with serious ramifications to long-term sociopolitical and economic development.
Catching up with the world, and building a knowledge society, requires vital investment in education and scientific research, in families, and in the news media. But most of all it requires opening up and democratizing the closed political process. Arab citizens, the authors of the UN report write, feel oppressed, excluded, and "pushed away from effecting changes in their societies." They must be integrated into the system and given an opportunity to make a difference.
In the end, however, the Arab scholars stress that structural reforms must come from within, through an evolutionary social process. Only Arabs, with international assistance, can succeed in transforming their societies. Change cannot be imposed from without. No external country, regardless of how powerful, can make the necessary reforms. Military and political shocks could even produce backlash and further delay the process of liberalization and democratization-indeed, in the minds of many Arabs, democracy is already closely associated with European colonialism.
It is no wonder that so much rides on the Iraqi project. On the one hand, the flourishing of democracy in Baghdad could lead many Arabs to disinvest from their historical grievances against the West. Failure in Iraq, the creation of yet another American-supported authoritarian regime, will reinforce widely held opinions that democracy is but a tool designed to perpetuate Western hegemony over the vast portion of the Muslim world that belongs to the Arabs. But success requires Arab initiative: where will it come from?
Fawaz A. Gerges holds the Christian A. Johnson Chair in International Affairs and the Middle East at Sarah Lawrence College and is author of the forthcoming Islamists and the West: Ideology vs. Pragmatism (Cambridge University Press). His most recent book is America and Political Islam: Clash of Cultures Or Clash of Interests? The author wishes to thank Elfie Raymond for critically editing this essay.

? 2004 Foundation for Study of Independent Ideas, Inc
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Just and Unjust Occupations
by Michael Walzer
How is postwar justice related to the justice of the war itself and the conduct of its battles? Iraq poses this question in an especially urgent way, but the question would be compelling even without Iraq. It seems clear that you can fight a just war, and fight it justly, and still make a moral mess of the aftermath-by establishing a satellite regime, for example, or by seeking revenge against the citizens of the defeated (aggressor) state, or by failing, after a humanitarian intervention, to help the people you have rescued rebuild their lives. But is the opposite case also possible: to fight an unjust war and then produce a decent postwar political order? That possibility is harder to imagine, since wars of conquest are unjust ad bellum and post bellum, before and after, and so, presumably, are wars of economic aggrandizement. These two are acts of theft-of sovereignty, territory, or resources-and so they end with critically important goods in the wrong hands. But a misguided military intervention or a preventive war fought before its time might nonetheless end with the displacement of a brutal regime and the construction of a decent one. Or a war unjust on both sides might result in a settlement, negotiated or imposed, that is fair to both and makes for a stable peace between them. I doubt that a settlement of this sort would retrospectively justify the war (in the second case, whose war would it justify?), but it might still be just in itself.
If this argument is right, then we need criteria for jus post bellum that are distinct from (though not wholly independent of) those that we use to judge the war and its conduct. We have to be able to argue about aftermaths as if this were a new argument-because, though it often isn't, it might be. The Iraq War is a case in point: the American debate about whether to fight doesn't seem particularly relevant to the debate about the occupation: how long to stay, how much to spend, when to begin the transfer of power-and, finally, who should answer these questions. The positions we took before the war don't determine the positions we take, or should take, on the occupation. Some people who opposed the war demand that we immediately "bring the troops home." But others argue, rightly, it seems to me, that having fought the war, we are now responsible for the well-being of the Iraqi people; we have to provide the resources-soldiers and dollars-necessary to guarantee their security and begin the political and economic reconstruction of their country. Still others argue that the aftermath of the war has to be managed by international agencies like the UN Security Council-with contributions from many countries that were not part of the war at all. And then the leaders of those countries ask, Why are we responsible for its costs?
Whatever one thinks about these different views, the debate about them requires an account of postwar justice. Democratic political theory, which plays a relatively small part in our arguments about jus ad bellum and in bello, provides the central principles of this account. They include self-determination, popular legitimacy, civil rights, and the idea of a common good. We want wars to end with governments in power in the defeated states that are chosen by the people they rule-or, at least, recognized by them as legitimate-and that are visibly committed to the welfare of those same people (all of them). We want minorities protected against persecution, neighboring states protected against aggression, the poorest of the people protected against destitution and starvation. In Iraq, we have (officially) set our sights even higher than this, on a fully democratic and federalist regime, but postwar justice is probably best understood in a minimalist way. It is not as if victors in war have been all that successful at achieving the minimum.
The timetable for self-determination depends heavily on the character of the previous regime and the extent of its defeat. After the defeat of Germany in World War II, there was a four-year military occupation, during which many Nazi leaders were brought to trial and a general "denazification" was instituted. I don't believe that any of the allied powers called for an early transfer of sovereignty to the German people. It was widely accepted that the neighboring states and all the internal and external victims of Nazism had this entitlement: that the new German regime be definitively post-Nazi. We can argue for a much quicker transfer of power in Iraq since the large majority of the population, Kurds in the north and Shiites in the south, were not complicit in Baathist tyranny, which seems to have had a narrowly regional and sectarian base. But the tyrannical regime is still being defended from that base, which means that "debaathification" is still a necessary political/military process, so that Iraqis participating in (what we hope will be) an open society, forming civil associations, joining parties and movements, making choices, don't do so in fear of a restoration.
We don't seem to have thought much about this process in advance of the war or to have carried it out, thus far, with anything like the necessary understanding of Iraqi politics or history. What is the relation of planned and unplanned occupations to just and unjust occupations? Surely occupying powers are morally bound to think seriously about what they are going to do in someone else's country. That moral test we have obviously failed to meet.
But what determines the overall justice of a military occupation is less its planning or its length than its political direction and the distribution of the benefits it provides. If its steady tendency is to empower the locals and if its benefits are widely distributed, the occupying power can plausibly be called just. If power is tightly held and the procedures and motives of decision-making are concealed, if resources accumulated for the occupation end up in the hands of foreign companies and local favorites, then the occupation is unjust. These post-bellum judgments are probably easier than the ones we are forced to make in the heat of battle; still, I want to make them explicit.
A just occupation costs money; it doesn't make money. Of course, the occupying army, like every army, will attract camp followers; these are the scavengers of war, profiteering at the margins. In the Iraqi case, however, President Bush and his advisers seem committed to profiteering at the center. They claim to be bringing democracy to Iraq, and we all have to hope that they succeed. But with much greater speed and effectiveness, they have brought to Iraq the crony capitalism that now prevails in Washington. And this undercuts the legitimacy of the occupation and puts its putative democratic goals in jeopardy.
The distribution of contracts to politically connected American companies is a scandal. But would it make any difference if the United Nations were distributing contracts to politically connected French, German, or Russian companies? In both cases, there has to be someone regulating the conduct of the companies-not only their honesty and efficiency but also their readiness to employ, and gradually yield authority to, competent Iraqi managers and technicians. An international agency of proven impartiality would be best, but even American regulators, under congressional mandate, would be an improvement over no regulators at all. The combination of unilateralism and laissez-faire is a recipe for disaster.
A multilateral occupation would be better than the unilateralist regime we have established-for legitimacy, certainly, and probably for efficiency-but at this writing that does not seem a lively prospect. It is easy and right to argue for an authoritative role for the UN, but the argument is plausible only if the UN can mobilize the resources to take charge of Iraq as it is today. The countries that would have to provide the resources insist, however, that since this was an American war, America must bear the costs of the occupation-and also of political and economic reconstruction. This was a war of choice, they say, politically and morally unnecessary, and what one chooses in such a case is the whole thing: the war and its aftermath, with all their attendant burdens. This is a good argument; many critics of the war made it even before the fighting began. Jus post bellum can't be entirely independent of jus ad bellum. The distribution of the costs of the post bellum settlement is necessarily related to the moral character of the war. But there is still a case to be made for the partial independence of the two and then for a wider distribution of the burdens of Iraq's reconstruction.
Whatever the prehistory of its achievement, a stable and democratic Iraq, even a relatively stable and more or less democratic Iraq, would be a good thing for the Middle East generally, for Europe and Japan, and (if it was involved in the achievement) for the UN. Given the likely benefits, why shouldn't the international community contribute to the costs of an occupation whose justice it could then guarantee? If the European Union had a larger sense of its global responsibilities, if its constituent states were really interested in modifying American behavior (rather than just complaining about it), they would make the contribution. But that is not going to happen. The Europeans want to share authority without sharing costs; the Bush administration wants to share costs without sharing authority. It is possible to imagine a makeshift compromise between them but not a serious cooperation. These are opposed but equally untenable positions, and the result of the opposition is simply to confirm American unilateralism.
So the justice of the occupation is up to the citizens of the United States. These are the tests that the Bush administration has to meet, and that we should insist on: first, the administration must be prepared to spend the money necessary for reconstruction; second, it must be committed to debaathification and to the equal protection of Iraq's different ethnic and religious groups; third, it must be prepared to cede power to a legitimate and genuinely independent Iraqi government-which could even, if the bidding went that way, give its oil contracts to European rather than American companies.
It sometimes turns out that occupying is harder than fighting.
Michael Walzer is co-editor of Dissent.
? 2004 Foundation for Study of Independent Ideas, Inc

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Israel/Palestine: Is There A Case for Bi-nationalism
by Shalom Lappin
Since the start of the second Palestinian Intifada in September 2000 there has been a resurgence of interest in a one-state bi-national model for solving the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. The idea is achieving increasing popularity among people on the liberal left who had previously supported a two-state solution, and it has found new endorsement among both Jews and Palestinian Arabs. Tony Judt's advocacy of bi-nationalism in "Israel: The Alternative" (New York Review of Books, October 23, 2003) generated intense controversy in Jewish and Israeli circles. Several weeks prior to the appearance of Judt's piece, Ahmad Khalidi, a Palestinian scholar at St. Antony's College, Oxford, and a long time proponent of two states, published "A One-State Solution" (The Guardian, September 29, 2003) in which he anticipated many of Judt's arguments. It is odd that Khalidi and Judt have chosen a point in this long and brutal conflict when the violence and mutual bitterness are particularly intense to promote a framework that requires the two sides to share sovereignty. Given that many bi- and multinational states have failed to accommodate distinct national groups under far more auspicious circumstances (as illustrated in the dissolution of Czechoslovakia and the bloody collapse of the Yugoslav federation), it is important to examine carefully the current arguments for a bi-national framework. It is also worth considering why they are being pressed so vigorously at this time.
Supporters of the new bi-nationalism invoke two main arguments to motivate their case. First, they claim that it provides a democratic alternative to a sectarian Jewish state organized along lines of ethnic privilege. By granting equal rights to Israelis and Palestinians it becomes the state of all its residents rather than an instrument for preserving the dominance of one group at the expense of the other.
Second, bi-nationalists argue that thirty-seven years of Israeli occupation and settlement in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem have irrevocably changed the infrastructure and demography of these territories in such a way as to render a partition effectively impossible. Uprooting the settlements is politically no longer feasible. The two populations have been mixed to the point that they can no longer be pulled apart. The only viable alternative to the continued occupation and dispossession of the Palestinians is, therefore, a single egalitarian state that accords the same rights to Jews and Arabs alike. This view was first presented in the mid-1980s by Meron Benvenisti, the former deputy mayor of Jerusalem, who conducted extensive research on the effect of the Israeli occupation on the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
Before I take up these arguments let me set the current discussion in the context of the generally forgotten history of the bi-national idea for Israel/Palestine.
Bi-nationalism as a Zionist Proposal
The proposal for a bi-national Jewish-Arab state in Palestine has its origins in the Zionist left, where it was advanced by two main groups during the period of the British Mandate from the 1920s until 1947. The first, Brit Shalom (1925-1933), and its successor, the Ihud, consisted largely of western liberal Zionists such as Judah Magnes, Haim Kalvarisky, Arthur Ruppin, Hugo Bergman, and Martin Buber. They saw a liberal bi-national model as the best framework for reconciling competing Jewish and Arab political aspirations. The second, Hashomer Hatsair (Young Guard), was a socialist Zionist Kibbutz movement that was committed to constructing a bi-national Jewish-Arab workers state on radically egalitarian principles.
Although these groups represented a minority view within the Yishuv (the Jewish community in Palestine) and the Zionist movement generally, they were not without influence. The mainstream Zionist leadership, particularly Chaim Weizmann, followed with interest and skeptical encouragement the attempts of the Ihud to negotiate agreements with Palestinian Arab leaders. Mapam (United Workers Party), the parliamentary arm created by Hashomer Hatsair and two other left-Zionist groups, was the second largest party in the Knesset, after Ben-Gurion's Mapai (Israel Workers Party), in the first years of independence.
The bi-national program was entertained as a possibility by substantial sections of the Zionist left in the early 1920s, but attitudes changed drastically after the Arab riots of 1929. These events revealed the depth of the conflict of national interests and produced a militant reaction in much of the Yishuv. In response to the continuing intercommunal violence and the near universal opposition of the Palestinian Arab leadership to Jewish immigration, many leaders of the Yishuv, Ben-Gurion foremost among them, came to see the problem as intractable, and they adopted an increasingly adversarial attitude toward the Arab population. The rise of fascism in Europe reinforced this. For its part, the Arab leadership, specifically, the al-Husseini family, which dominated Palestinian politics, rejected bi-nationalism out of hand as a Zionist project intended to secure Arab recognition of Jewish immigration and political rights. In his determination to prevent Jewish immigration and political independence in Palestine, Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Mufti of Jerusalem, became pro-Axis and spent most of the war years in Berlin as a supporter of the Third Reich.
Both the Ihud and Hashomer Hatsair attempted to resist the current of conflict throughout the 1940s. Unfortunately their efforts foundered on implacable Arab rejectionism. On November 11, 1946, the Ihud signed an agreement with Fawzi Darwish al-Husseini's Young Palestine group for common political action in support of a bi-national state. Fawzi was assassinated several days later by a rival faction of the al-Husseini family, which branded him a traitor to the Arab cause. Similarly Sami Taha, a Palestinian labor leader, was killed in September 1947, for advocating the creation of a nonsectarian Palestinian state representing the interests of both Jews and Arabs (see Walter Laqueur, A History of Zionism, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, 1972, for a discussion of these two incidents). Hashomer Hatsair's commitment to bi-nationalism led it to oppose the UN's 1947 partition plan which divided Mandatory Palestine into Jewish and Arab states. Even after it had abandoned this view following the creation of Israel, it continued to work for Jewish-Arab equality and cooperation within the new state. By contrast, the Palestine Liberation Organization, which was founded in 1964, insisted on a unitary Arab state in Palestine until the mid-1970s. Its charter accorded civil and religious rights to Jews who were in Palestine prior to the "Zionist invasion," dated from the Balfour Declaration in 1917, and called for the deportation of those who entered the country afterward.
There is, then, not a little historical irony in the contemporary presentation of bi-nationalism as a "post-Zionist" solution to the conflict.
Is Bi-nationalism Workable?
At first glance, bi-nationalism seems to offer an attractive exit from the grinding impasse of the current conflict. Both Israelis and Palestinians receive charter to the entire country and so avoid a searing partition of their common homeland. The occupation ends, but the settlements remain. The traditional zero-sum game in which one side realizes its national objectives only by expelling or subordinating the other is avoided. Both Jews and Arabs achieve security and freedom within a single democratic country.
On closer inspection it becomes clear that this idyllic vision rests upon unsustainable assumptions. In order for a bi-national state to succeed, its two constituent peoples must be committed to living in a unified political framework in which they share the instruments of sovereignty equitably between them. Such a commitment requires each to have confidence that it can trust its partner to respect its vital interests as part of a common endeavour. To expect two nations that have been engaged in mortal combat for a century to undertake such a venture is to situate oneself at an acutely unsafe distance from the facts. The overwhelming majority of Israelis and Palestinians have no interest in a shared political life. They regard each other as the main threat to their respective national existences. The contemporary proponents of bi-nationalism have no obvious answer to the well-grounded fears of both sides except an appeal to good faith, which begs the main questions of the dispute.
Fear of losing a demographic balance between the constituent peoples in a bi- (multi) national country is one of the primary sources of its instability. Lebanon provides an instructive instance of this problem. Its political system encodes the assumption of a finely tuned demographic relation among its major ethnic-religious groups. Political and military power is distributed on the basis of this relation, with the positions of president, prime minister, speaker of the parliament, defense minister, and foreign minister reserved for members of designated communities. For many years no census was taken in Lebanon in order to maintain the illusion that the original demographic division continued to hold long after the size of the Christian population had significantly declined relative to the Shiite and Sunni Muslim communities and the Druse. The system fell apart in 1958 and was put back together. The large-scale influx of Palestinian guerrillas and their families from Jordan following the clash between King Hussein of Jordan and the PLO in September 1970 again seriously disrupted the demographic balance and the political arrangements that depended upon it. This event played a central role in creating the conditions that led to the fifteen-year civil war that destroyed the country. Order was eventually restored through a Syrian military occupation, which continues to the present day.
Supporters of a bi-national model frequently point to post-apartheid South Africa as a case of successful transition from an ethnic state to a multicultural democracy. In fact, the analogy does not hold at the most essential points of comparison between the two conflicts. Apartheid enforced the oppressive dominance of a white European elite through segregation along purely racial lines. The groups on both (more accurately, all) sides of its divide were nationally and culturally heterogeneous. English and Afrikaans South Africans are distinct national/ethnic groups, as are the diverse communities that make up the indigenous African, Asian, and "mixed" populations. Apartheid was imposed on an already existing nation-state made up of a variety of cultural communities. These communities had preceded apartheid in the country, and most people from all groups were prepared to embrace the vision of a multicultural society that formed the basis of the African National Congress's liberation struggle.
By contrast, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a clash between two well-defined national entities in a territory that historically never supported a single nation-state. The identity of each nation cuts across racial differences and focuses on language, religion, history, and territory. Although racial factors can play no role in defining the institutions of a democratic state, national, linguistic, and cultural properties of the sort that separate Israelis and Palestinians are very much the elements from which most countries, including democratic ones, are shaped in one way or another. It is a mistake to suggest that a bi-national state could be non- or postnational in character. To be viable as a democratic venture it would need to express the national identities of the two peoples that make up its population.
In order to accommodate both sides, a bi-national state in Israel/Palestine would have to adopt the right of return for Palestinian refugees while retaining the Law of Return for Jews. Palestinians would use both the right of return and their higher birth rate to achieve demographic dominance. Israelis would attempt to defend their situation in the country by retaining control of the army, as well as key political and economic positions. The inevitable result of this competition would be a bloody civil war. There is, then, good reason to believe that forcing bi-nationalism on Israelis and Palestinians in the foreseeable future would produce something akin to Bosnia or Cyprus, rather than a Middle Eastern Belgium or Canada (both of which, it should be noted, suffer constant separatist tensions). Instead of providing a solution to the conflict the advocates of bi-nationalism are, in fact, suggesting a recipe for perpetuating it.
Will Two States Work?
The relentless expansion of settlements and their attendant infrastructure in the occupied territories under successive Israeli governments has created a major obstacle to the partition required for a two-state solution. The settlers, now 230,000 in number (closer to 400,000 if one includes the Jewish neighborhoods of East Jerusalem), have effectively dictated Israeli policy in the territories despite the fact that opinion polls over the years have consistently indicated that the majority of Israelis do not support the settlement enterprise. However Benvenisti's conclusion, embraced by many proponents of bi-nationalism, that withdrawal to the (equivalent of the) 1967 borders is no longer possible does not follow.
It is important to note the distinction in Israeli public perception of pre-1967 Israel on one hand and of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem on the other. There is near universal consensus among Israelis (Jews and Arabs alike) that the area within the Green Line is legitimately part of the country, although a not insignificant part of this land was added to the borders specified in the original 1947 partition plan as a result of the 1948 war. By contrast, most people, including the settlers, their political allies, and young people born after 1967, recognize the reality of the fact that even after thirty-seven years of occupation the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem have not been absorbed into Israel proper and remain foreign territory. The Green Line continues to be a genuine border in the political psychology of most Israelis, including those committed to erasing it.
The current intifada has shown the impossibility of sustaining the occupation. Although most Israelis realize that their own security requires the (equivalent of a) full withdrawal, they remain traumatized by the failure of the negotiations at Camp David and Taba, and the subsequent violence. Ariel Sharon has successfully exploited this trauma to pursue his longstanding annexationist agenda, but there is little genuine support for this program. In fact, the majority of settlers has indicated a willingness to move back behind the Green Line in exchange for suitable compensation. The most effective criticism of Sharon's policy in the territories is now coming from the upper echelons of the Israeli security establishment, parts of which seem to have finally recognized the damage that the occupation is doing to the viability and well being of the country.
Prominent non-government Israeli and Palestinian politicians signed the Geneva Agreements this past fall, which specify a detailed version of the Clinton proposals from December 2000 (the text and maps of the agreements are posted on the Peace Now Web site at www.peacenow.org.il). Significant proportions of the Israeli and Palestinian populations support this plan even though the Sharon government and Palestinian rejectionist organizations strongly oppose it, and Yasir Arafat has not endorsed it. There are serious questions concerning the willingness and the ability of both sides to implement a plan of this sort. It should be clear, however, that the framework described in the agreements offers a far more realistic and credible prospect for arriving at a workable solution than bi-nationalism. If the two-state framework of the Geneva Agreements cannot succeed, then it is unclear why one would think that a bi-national state could.
Popularity of the Bi-national Model
It is possible to discern two distinct factors driving the revival of interest in bi-nationalism. The first is deep frustration at the failure of the Oslo process and a sense of hopelessness due to the unyielding cycle of terrorism and repression that has replaced it. Well-meaning observers watch how the Israeli and Palestinian leaders use this violence to sustain themselves in power at the expense of the suffering of their respective peoples. They see the inability or unwillingness of external players, particularly the United States, to exert the sort of pressure required to produce a change in either side. As a result, these observers have taken refuge in the utopian reverie of bi-nationalism as a radical retreat from the appalling realities of the clash. This move expresses a desire to be rid, finally, of a brutal dispute that appears to defy rational resolution. Although this reaction is certainly understandable, it amounts to little more than a politics of despair. In no sense does it offer a constructive, realistic response to the facts of the situation.
The second factor is far less innocent. It consists in the promotion of bi-nationalism as a device for eliminating a Jewish polity of any kind. People who regard Israel's existence as illicit or are embarrassed by it now embrace the rhetoric of bi-nationalism as a strategy for rendering palatable a program whose objective is the removal of any form of Jewish political independence in the Middle East. In characterizing the proposed single state as "non-sectarian" they conceal the fact that its political and cultural character will be determined by its majority. They rely on the fact that should a one-state solution be imposed, demography will generate an Arab country in which Israeli Jews constitute a politically contained minority with certain "cultural rights." This is, of course, not bi-nationalism at all, but the exploitation of bi-national terminology in the service of a program that denies the legitimacy of Jews in general and Israeli Jews in particular as a nation.
There is no escape from the fact that the Israeli-Palestinian problem is a conflict between two nations, each insisting on its right to live in the same territory. Any rational solution to this conflict requires that the basic needs and (at least) minimal concerns of both sides be realized. Given the nature of the competition between them, this cannot be achieved within a single state. Eliminating or suppressing one of the sides through expulsion or forced absorption is not a reasonable option. There is, then, no viable alternative to providing two states to two peoples. To the extent that either of these states is democratic, it will accord equal rights to all of its residents. Its national character will be determined not by discriminatory legislation or coercive practice, but by the fact that its culture and its primary language are those of its majority population. That implementing a two-state solution will be excruciatingly difficult is not sufficient grounds for adopting a one-state model that has virtually no chance of success. In light of the desperate need of Israelis and Palestinians for an end to the violence that they are inflicting upon each other, abandoning the only program that offers any chance of achieving peace is not simply misguided. It is deeply irresponsible.
Shalom Lappin is a professor in the Computer Science Department at King's College, London, and a long-time supporter of Peace Now and Meretz in Israel. He has been active in social democratic organizations in Israel, Canada, and Britain.
? 2004 Foundation for Study of Independent Ideas, Inc


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http://www.salon.com
9/11 panel says FAA played down scenario
By Hope Yen
Jan. 27, 2004 | WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Federal Aviation Administration focused on the danger of explosives aboard planes rather than a suicide hijacking before the Sept. 11 attacks even though its own security officers warned terrorists might try to crash an airliner, a federal panel said Tuesday.
The FAA's Office of Civil Aviation Security considered the risk of a suicide hijacking at least as early as March 1998, says the preliminary report by the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States.
The commission report acknowledges there was no specific intelligence indicating suicide hijackings would occur but says the FAA still had a responsibility to protect the flying public against such a threat.
The commission wrapped up two days of hearings that focused on aviation and border security lapses. The panel, which has been investigating the 9/11 attacks for a year and has held seven public hearings, wants Congress to extend its May 27 deadline by at least two months, saying it needs more time to review all the material.
At Tuesday's hearing, the commission provided documents showing the FAA was aware of the possibility of suicide hijackings but did not pass the information along to airlines.
In a presentation to airline and airport officials in early 2001, the FAA discounted the threat of a suicide hijacking because there was "no indication that any group is currently thinking in that direction." And when the agency issued a terrorism warning to air carriers in July 2001, it noted the risk of explosives inside luggage but did not mention suicide hijackings.
At a commission hearing, panel member Timothy Roemer read from an FAA document published in the Federal Register on July 17, 2001, stating that terrorism could occur "anytime, anywhere" in the United States and cautioning that the risk "needs to be prevented and countered."
"The dots are connected and they're large," said Roemer, a former Democratic congressman from Indiana. "Why didn't they result in a change in policy?"
Cathal L. Flynn, former associate administrator of civil aviation security at the FAA, responded that the agency only had a generalized sense of the risk and that security efforts were hampered somewhat by poor communication with the FBI.
"It isn't that we disregarded them. There were disconnects," he said. "How would you coerce a pilot to fly into a building that's got people in it? ... How would you do that? The notion of a full-fledged al-Qaida member being a pilot ... did not occur to me."
Executives from United Airlines and American Airlines told the commission they rely on the FAA and federal agencies to provide guidance on aviation security as well as counterterrorism efforts. They proposed a more integrated security plan to improve coordination among federal agencies.
Other preliminary findings disclosed Tuesday by the commission:
--Nine of the 19 9/11 hijackers had been stopped by the airlines for additional security screening.
--Weaknesses in airport screening of carry-on baggage in the 20 years prior to 2001 were rampant and widely reported in popular literature, which the hijackers apparently read and used to their advantage.
The 10-member, bipartisan commission was established by Congress to study the nation's preparedness before 9/11 and its response to the attacks, and to make recommendations for guarding against similar disasters.


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http://www.salon.com
Senate moves near passage of pension bill
By Jim Abrams
Jan. 27, 2004 | WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Senate brushed aside warnings of a presidential veto Tuesday and advanced toward passage of legislation to ease pension plan payments for thousands of companies and to give special relief to a few.
Senators voted 67-25 to reject an amendment proposed by Sen. Jon Kyl, R-Ariz., that he said could make the bill more acceptable to the Bush administration by making taxpayers less vulnerable should companies that get special breaks become insolvent.
With that vote, the Senate moved a step closer toward passage, possibly on Wednesday, to send the legislation into negotiations with the House. Lawmakers are moving with some urgency because companies could see significant jumps in their pension plan obligations if Congress fails to act by April 15.
"The security of our private pension system basically is at stake," said Sen. Max Baucus, D-Mont., a lead sponsors of the bipartisan bill. "Almost daily we hear that employers are dropping out of the defined benefit plan system" because of the costs.
The main component of the bill would replace, for the next two years, the 30-year Treasury bond rate, which has been the benchmark for determining annual contributions to employer defined benefit pension plans. Because the Treasury Department no longer issues the bond, its interest rate has fallen and, inversely, pension contribution levels have inflated.
By switching to a rate based on a mix of corporate bonds over the next two years, during which Congress would work on a long-term solution, companies would save $80 billion, according to the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corp., the agency that insures the pensions of 44 million people.
In addition, the bill would provide two years of relief, worth about $16 billion, for companies making deficit reduction contributions, payments above normal pension obligations to catch up with past underpayments. This relief targets financially struggling airlines and steelmakers, although other companies also could apply for the waiver of 80 percent of catch-up pay the first year and 60 percent the second.
The three Cabinet secretaries who comprise the PBGC board, Elaine Chao of Labor, John Snow of Treasury and Donald Evans of Commerce, said they would advise President Bush to veto the bill if it should contain this provision because they said it would worsen pension plan underfunding, now estimated at $350 billion nationwide.
Kyl and others argued that the provision increased the risk that these plans would collapse in the future with even more underfunding than they have today, depriving workers of benefits and adding to the burden of the PBGC, which last year had a record deficit of $11.2 billion.
Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., said it was "grossly unfair" that the Senate was "once again lavishing federal largesse on selective industries and companies."
Besides the airlines and steelmakers, the Senate bill singles out for relief Greyhound Lines Inc. and the Transportation Communications International Union.
Kyl's amendment would have freed the PBGC from responsibility for benefit increases occurring during the waiver period and two years afterward. If a plan should fail, the PBGC would cover only benefits accrued before the waiver was claimed.
Sen. John D. Rockefeller, D-W.Va., said the Kyl amendment increased the risk that shaky companies would fail and abandon pension obligations. "It's absolutely essential that we not erode the already inadequate guarantee that protects these workers in their old age," he said.

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The $38 billion deficit that won't go away
By Brendan Nyhan
October 28, 2003

It's well-known that the press often uncritically repeats false information, particularly when the "fact" is colorful and helps to tell a simple story that is easily understood. Nonetheless, the scale and pervasiveness of these errors can be stunning. For example, in the debate over the California recall, reporters and pundits from across the local, regional and national media, egged on by a number of political figures, have consistently distributed misinformation about the size of the state budget deficit, falsely claiming that it was $38 billion after a July budget deal.

As New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, The Daily Howler's Bob Somerby, Washington Post columnist Harold Meyerson and others have pointed out, misperceptions about the size of the deficit are widespread, with the list of those who have been deceived ranging from numerous members of the public quoted in the media to prominent Democrats and liberal figures who are sympathetic to Davis, including Howard Dean, Rep. Harold Ford (D-TN) and New Mexico's Democratic governor, Bill Richardson. Even Arianna Huffington, who ran as a progressive in the recall election itself, wrote in an August 5 email to supporters quoted by The Hotline that "we have a $38 billion deficit." How did this happen?

The $38 billion figure received wide publicity earlier this year (with most coverage implying it was a one-year deficit rather than a projection over two years). But on July 31, 2003, just a few days after the recall qualified for the ballot, Davis signed a budget deal closing the projected shortfall, in part by issuing deficit finance bonds (see this overview from the California Legislative Analysts Office). The budget deal received widespread criticism for including $16 billion in borrowing over two years, mostly in the form of deficit financing bonds. But it also included an additional $23 billion in program savings, tax increases, payment deferrals and other measures to close the deficit. Whatever one's view of the budget deal, the $38 billion deficit no longer existed once the legislation was signed, and the relevant state budget figure became a projected $8 billion deficit for 2004-2005.

However, politicians and pundits, either through ignorance or intentional exploitation of voter confusion, routinely repeated the $38 billion figure. Schwarzenegger made a number of references to the $38 billion deficit in the present tense, as if it still existed. For example, on August 7, a week after the budget deal, he said, "We have a $38 billion budget deficit that we have to deal with." The next day, on CNN's "American Morning," Schwarzenegger stated, "Now, we have a $38 billion deficit. I mean, it's disastrous." On August 25 while appearing on Hugh Hewitt's nationally syndicated radio show, The Hotline reported that Schwarzanegger said, "We had a multi-billion surplus. We are now having a $38 billion deficit."

When confronted about his deception, Schwarzenegger and his staff simply dissembled. For example, during the September 24 debate of major contenders in the recall election, he had the following exchange with Democratic candidate Cruz Bustamente:

SCHWARZENEGGER: Let me tell you something. We have never seen a situation like this. $38.2 billion budget deficit. We just found out that the operating deficit, this is the operating deficit went up to $ 10 billion. There's so much...
BUSTAMANTE: Well, I know you may not know this, Arnold, the [deficit] is no longer $38 billion.
SCHWARZENEGGER: You have to be honest with the people. Remember one thing, in California, we have a three strike system. You guys pull the wool over the people's eyes, twice, the third time you are out you are out. On October 7 you guys are out.
As recently as the October 6 edition of MSNBC's "Hardball," Schwarzenegger campaign spokesperson Karen Hanretty said "Look, the voters are concerned about the state of the economy in California. That is exactly why nearly two million people, voters in California signed these recall petitions. They're tired of the car tax. They're tired of a $38 billion budget deficit."

Schwarzenegger's political allies in California - who almost surely knew better - repeated the same bad information. On MSNBC's "Scarborough Country" on August 20, Rep. Christopher Cox (R-CA) said, "I'm supporting him [Schwarzenegger] because, first of all, on the most salient issue that faces California, this $38 billion deficit, and the looming deficits ahead because state spending has grown so far out of control, he knows exactly what to do." Retiring California Rep. Doug Ose (R-CA) mentioned the $38 billion figure three separate times on CNN's "Crossfire" on the same day without clear context, including claiming that "Arnold's plan is about creating jobs to stop the giant sucking sound created by a $38 billion deficit that Governor Davis has caused."

Conservative pundits and commentators were often as dishonest (or ignorant) as the politicians themselves. Byron York of National Review claimed on PBS's "The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer" on August 15 that "Schwarzenegger's new financial adviser, Warren Buffett, is quoted today as talking about it might be necessary to increase taxes to deal with the $38 billion deficit." Appearing on NBC's "Today" on August 18, Chuck Diamond, an attorney who argued a court case against delaying the recall, specifically cited the $38 billion figure to justify his actions in an interview with host Matt Lauer. "You know, I'm sure you're aware of it, many--many Americans aren't, but we're running a $38 billion deficit in California. And--and the folks up in Sacramento haven't solved the problem. Thirty-eight billion dollars is larger than the budget of every state in the nation...save New York." Pundit Michael Reagan said on Fox News Channel's "Hannity and Colmes" on September 5 that the recall was about "what are you going to do to re-right the ship and get us out of a $38 billion deficit." In a September 10 release, Club for Growth President Stephen Moore endorsed a candidate for Ose's seat, saying "If every member of the California legislature voted like Rico Oller, the state would not have a $38 billion deficit." And on October 3, months after the budget deal, syndicated columnist Joseph Perkins claimed Davis "has turned [a $12 billion surplus he inherited] into a staggering $38 billion deficit."

The national press has performed especially poorly in this episode. Rather than correcting misinformation, it has frequently disseminated the falsehood instead. The errors began quickly. On ABC's "Good Morning America" on August 11, co-host Charlie Gibson asked a guest, "So we know he [Schwarzenegger] made over 50 million bucks in the last couple of years. But has he suggested he knows how to close a $38 billion deficit in California?" ABC's Brian Rooney reported on August 20 on the show that "Davis accepted some blame for California's $38 billion deficit, but not all of it." And on the 21st of August, Gibson again repeated the figure. "[T]here's a $38 billion deficit in California, and he [Schwarzenegger] says he can do it, make up the problem with budget cuts."

Gibson was not alone in making the error. On August 12, NBC "Today" co-host Katie Couric asked a guest whether Schwarzenegger "has what it takes to be the governor of a state the size of California and, frankly, a state that has the problems California has? In other words, a $38 billion deficit?" On September 25, she again repeated the figure in a question to Duf Sundheim, California Republican Party chairman, and was corrected by Art Torres of the California Democratic Party, who said, "And quite frankly, we don't have a $38 billion deficit. We have an $8 billion deficit going into the next fiscal year with a budget that was signed by this governor."

Finally, completing the morning show trifecta, CBS "Early Show" co-host Harry Smith forced Torres to correct the record for the second time, saying that if the Democrats defeated the recall, "you still have an enormously unpopular governor, a $38 billion budget deficit. Is that a victory?" Torres replied, "We don't have a $38 billion deficit. You're buying the Republican lies again. We only have an $8 billion deficit moving into the next fiscal year."

Chris Matthews, host of MSNBC's "Hardball," was by far the worst single offender. On his September 3 show, shot in San Francisco, Matthews asked a guest about "the big deficits that you face up there [in Sacramento], the $38 billion deficit out here in California." The next week, during the September 10 "Hardball," San Francisco Chronicle editor Phil Bronstein referred to "a $38 billion deficit," which another guest pointed out was incorrect. "Phil Bronstein is wrong. There's no $38 billion deficit," said former San Jose mayor Tom McEnery. "The budget was passed and it became a balanced budget, based upon the nature of what they did in order to address the issue." Matthews was stunned and clearly had no idea a deal had been reached. "Whoa! What did they do to make up the deficit?" San Francisco mayor Willie Brown tried to explain the debt refinancing to Matthews and said "There is no $38 billion deficit -- that is just not true," but the host just referred the issue back to Bronstein, who tried to defend his previous statement. Apparently, the debate had little impression on Matthews, because on September 23, he asked Torres "to suggest some cuts the Democrats are willing to make in the budget" and, when he didn't like the official's response, skeptically said, "$38 billion in cuts. List them." On October 6, Matthews said, "This governor [Davis] has a $38 billion deficit," and on October 8, he said Schwarzenegger is "going to inherit the day he takes office, whether it be a couple weeks from now or a month from now, a $38 billion deficit."

CNN was also especially plagued with misinformation. Lou Dobbs of the network's "Lou Dobbs Tonight" repeated the $38 billion figure on August 11 and had to be gently corrected by his guest, CNN analyst Bill Schneider. "Well, at this point, the embarrassment is really about a state with a $38 billion budget deficit..." Dobbs said. Schneider then presented the fact that the deficit was eliminated as a partisan claim, stating that Davis "says, look, we had a $38 billion budget deficit, but through a deal with the state legislature, we've got it down to $8 billion." On the August 12 edition of "Daybreak," host Bill Hemmer asked Bill Simon, another Republican candidate in the recall who later dropped out, "How do you renew the California dream with a $38 billion deficit right now?" During CNN's "Newsnight with Aaron Brown" on August 18, Brown became the second CNN host in one week to bring up the $38 billion figure with Simon, mentioning first "the budget deficit, the $38 billion" and later asking, "Can you honestly say to the people of California that you can solve a $38 billion deficit by simply cutting services?" (Notably, in both cases, Simon disclosed the existence of the budget deal to the inept CNN hosts.) Host Soledad O'Brien asked on August 21's "American Morning," "Arnold Schwarzenegger may have the muscle, but can he do the math and solve California's $38 billion budget shortfall?" And Wolf Blitzer even made the claim that "there is now a $38 billion deficit" in an interview with Davis himself on the August 24 "Late Edition with Wolf Blitzer." (Like Simon, Davis corrected Blitzer, saying, "First of all, there is no $38 billion deficit. I signed a budget a couple of weeks ago.")

Other elite journalists who repeated the canard include Roger Simon of US News & World Report on CNBC's "Tim Russert" on August 16, Dan Balz and David S. Broder in the Washington Post on August 17, Newsweek columnist Fareed Zakaria on ABC's "This Week" on August 17, NBC "Nightly News' reporter Kelly O'Donnell on August 24, Washington Times reporter James Lakely on August 25, USA Today reporters John Ritter and Martin Kasindorf on September 4 and UPI analyst Martin Sieff on October 14.

The California press seem to have made fewer mistakes, but still repeated the false claim on occasion. Bronstein, who edits San Francisco's largest newspaper, first claimed the $38 billion deficit still existed on CNBC's "The News with Brian Williams" on August 28, then again on the Sept. 10 edition of MSNBC's "Hardball" as stated above. The state and regional Associated Press wire service headlined a story "Buffett has one idea why California has $38 billion deficit" on August 15, and the San Jose Mercury News included a story stating that an obscure Republican candidate "would sell naming rights to freeways to help put a dent in California's $38 billion deficit."

Finally, local and regional papers outside of California made a huge number of mistakes in their coverage of the recall and their editorials on the subject. The very long list of offenders includes an Oregonian editorial (August 3), the Boston Herald (August 3), The Montgomery Advertiser [AL] (August 10), the Arizona Republic (August 10), a Denver Post editorial (August 12), a Buffalo News editorial (August 12), Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (August 14), Charlotte Observer (August 20), Minneapolis Star-Tribune (August 29), Las Vegas Review-Journal (October 9), a Dallas Morning News editorial (October 9) and the Tampa Tribune (October 12).

There can simply be no question that serious error is pervasive in the press corps, which too often relies on "known" facts rather than independent research. Unfortunately, in this case, misinformation about the size of California's budget deficit had consequences for the recall election in California and for citizens nationwide trying to learn more about it.

This website is copyright (c) 2001-2003 by Ben Fritz, Bryan Keefer and Brendan Nyhan. Please send letters to the editor for publication to letters@spinsanity.org and private questions or comments to feedback@spinsanity.org.

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Venezuela Cuts Reserve Requirement for Farm Loans (Update5)
Jan. 27 (Bloomberg) -- Venezuela's central bank, under pressure from President Hugo Chavez to help finance agriculture, lowered reserve requirements for commercial banks that agree to lend to farmers.
The central bank said it will reduce the amount of deposits banks must keep on reserve to 13 percent from 15 percent as long as they take part in a program to boost farm credit by as much as 520 billion bolivars ($325 million).
The decision may end a public spat between Chavez and the central bank after the president threatened for the past month to seize some of the country's $21.5 billion of foreign exchange reserves to lend to farmers, a base of his support. The fight contributed to a drop in Venezuela's benchmark bond to 88 cents on the dollar yesterday from a six-year high of 94 on Jan. 6. The bond today rose for the first day in three.
``The central bank took this decision to save face,'' Banco Venezolano de Credito President Oscar Garcia said in an interview in Caracas. ``They took this decision for political not economic reasons.''
Garcia said his bank, the nation's eighth largest, won't take the central bank's offer. ``Absolutely not,'' Garcia said. ``There's no demand for agricultural credit.''
Chavez, born and raised in the agricultural town Barinas near the Colombian border, is seeking to increase lending to farmers to help solidify support ahead of a recall vote that his opponents are seeking in April, said analysts such as Robert Bottome at Caracas-based research company Veneconomy.
`Not Orthodox'
The country's national electoral council said last week they will decide by Feb. 15 whether to proceed with a referendum.
``This money that the president is requesting is for his election campaign,'' Bottome said. ``He wants to put the bank under his control.''
The new central bank rules will continue through the harvest, which ends Oct. 22, the bank said on it Web site.
The bank's decision is unusual in that it ties the lower reserve requirements to a demand to lend to a specific industry, said Therese Feng, an analyst at Fitch Ratings in New York. ``It's definitely not orthodox,'' Feng said.
Central bankers last cut reserve requirements in July 2003, a spokeswoman said. The limit has come down from 30 percent in August 2001, when the bank lifted requirements to slow declines in the nation's currency, the bolivar. Chavez's government fixed the exchange rate at 1,598 bolivars against the dollar in February to help protect central bank reserves that fell to as low as $11 billion following a two-month, nationwide strike aimed at forcing the president from office.
Foreign Reserves
``There's been a lot of pressure on the central bank,'' Standard & Poor's analyst Richard Francis said in a telephone interview. ``They're trying to find every method possible to avoid breaking their rules'' about turning over foreign reserves to the government.
Chavez, whose opponents say he is responsible for pushing the country into recession and increasing state control over the economy, has said since December he wants access to $6 billion of foreign reserves to help finance agriculture, tourism and small industry, including $1 billion for farmers.
The central bank said last week it was considering dropping reserve requirements while suggesting that government-run banks could also increase their farm loans.
``The whole idea of this lowering of the reserve requirements is for the central bank to tell the president, `Look, you have your funds,'' Bottome said. ``We'll see if this is enough. It depends on what Chavez's intentions really are.''
The 9 1/4 percent bond due 2027 rose 1.25 cent on the dollar to 89.25, cutting the yield to 10.49 percent at 3 p.m. in New York, according to J.P. Morgan Chase & Co. The bond climbed to a six-year high earlier this month, bolstered by a surge in the price of oil, the country's biggest export.
Last Updated: January 27, 2004 15:34 EST
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Carter Sees Delay in Venezuela Chavez Recall Decision (Update1)
Jan. 27 (Bloomberg) -- Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter said that Venezuela's election agency will probably miss its deadline of reaching a decision by Feb. 15 on whether to proceed with a recall vote on President Hugo Chavez.
Carter said at a televised press conference that the agency was proceeding more slowly than expected with the verification process due to ``the volume of signatures.'' The agency is likely to decide before March 1, he said.
``I have full confidence'' in the election agency, Carter said ``They are doing their work with the greatest dedication.''
Carter is wrapping up a three-day visit to Venezuela, assessing progress in resolving the country's political crisis. The election agency is verifying millions of signatures on petitions calling for recall votes on Chavez and 67 congressmen.
The visit occurred against a backdrop of charges that the agency officials were deliberately delaying the signature verification process.
``The latest delays shouldn't be longer than 10 days,'' Carter said.
The former U.S. president also praised the agency for voting to grant international observers from the Organization of American States and the Carter Center more access to the signature-verification process.
Carter, who had two conversations with Chavez, said the Venezuelan president didn't raise allegations of fraud during the collection of signatures. Chavez has repeatedly said that the petition drive was riddled with irregularities.
``I haven't seen any evidence of fraud,'' Carter said.
Chavez also signaled that he would accept any decision by the election agency, Carter said. The opposition hasn't made any such promise, he said.
Venezuela's benchmark 9 1/4 percent bond due 2027 rose 1.25 cents on the dollar to 89.25, according to J.P. Morgan Chase & Co. at 1:05 p.m. New York time. That dropped the yield to 10.49 percent. The bond's yield has fallen from 15.7 percent in January 2002 as oil prices have climbed.
Last Updated: January 27, 2004 13:16 EST

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Euro Falls After Wellink Signals ECB May Have Room to Cut Rates
Jan. 28 (Bloomberg) -- The euro fell for a third day in four in Asia after European Central Bank council member Nout Wellink said the currency's strength will help reduce inflation in the region, signaling the ECB has room to reduce interest rates.
Wellink yesterday told Reuters the stronger euro will help pull down inflation below 2 percent, ``most certainly within 2004.'' European Commission President Romano Prodi yesterday called for a ``dialogue'' on the euro's 16 percent gain against the dollar in the past year at next week's Group of Seven meeting. The ECB's key interest rate is twice that of the U.S.
``The specter of rate cuts has been raised by the reference of inflation under 2 percent,'' said Greg McKenna, currency strategist in Sydney at National Australia Bank Ltd. ``This may be the concession that Europe has to give the U.S. to get the kind of communiqu? they want out of G-7.''
The euro fell to $1.2626 at 11:10 a.m. in Tokyo, from $1.2646 late yesterday in New York, according to EBS prices. It also was at 133.43 yen, from 133.45 yen. The 12-nation currency may fall to $1.2550 today, McKenna said.
The dollar's gains against the euro may be limited by expectations the Federal Reserve will leave its key interest rate unchanged. The euro yesterday rose 1.5 percent after ECB board member Gertrude Tumpel-Gugerell told Bloomberg News in a television interview that a rate cut ``is not an issue at the moment.''
Yield Differential
All 85 economists surveyed by Bloomberg News expect Fed policy makers to leave their benchmark overnight rate target at a four-decade low of 1 percent at the end of a two-day meeting today.
``I expect the Fed to continue with the same policy, and that will maintain a yield differential that favors the euro over the dollar,'' said Thomas O'Malley, head of global currency portfolio management in San Francisco at Barclays Global Investors, which oversees more than $1 trillion of assets. ``The vast majority of investors are still bearish toward the dollar.''
The yen yesterday rose to its highest since September 2000 after Japan's finance minister suggested the central bank may refrain from selling its currency before next week's meeting of policy makers from the Group of Seven industrialized nations.
Japan sold 20.1 trillion yen ($109.2 billion) last year through Dec. 26 to protect the country's export-led recovery, limiting its currency's rise to 11 percent. The BOJ didn't sell for three days ahead of last year's meeting of G-7 finance ministers and central bankers on Sept. 20-21, then sold 1.1 trillion yen on Sept. 30, according to the Ministry of Finance.
``Japanese authorities sold the yen after the last G-7 meeting and it's just hard to think they will stop,'' said Kikuko Takeda, foreign exchange manager in Tokyo at Bank of Tokyo- Mitsubishi Ltd., a unit of Japan's second-largest lender. ``Still, the trend remains for a stronger yen.''
The yen was at 105.65 per dollar, from 105.55, having yesterday traded as strong as 105.45.
Last Updated: January 27, 2004 21:12 EST
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Citigroup, Private Equity Firms Plan More Japan Funds (Update1)
Jan. 28 (Bloomberg) -- Citigroup Inc. and Nikko Cordial Corp. plan a $500 million buyout fund for Japan, to join private equity firms that are profiting from the nation's first stock market rally in four years by turning around ailing companies and taking them public.
Citigroup and Nikko, which own Japan's third-biggest investment bank by capital, are working on the fund, which Nikko Cordial President Junichi Arimura announced to executives in September. Citigroup spokesman Dan Cox declined to comment.
The Nikkei 225 Stock Average's 44 percent gain from two- decade lows in April is making it more attractive for Japanese companies such as Daiei Inc., the nation's third-biggest retailer, to sell assets that aren't part of their main business, increasing buying opportunities for investors.
``A greater willingness by sellers to come to the table because of the rise in stock valuations and ongoing corporate4 restructurings will lead to more private equity transactions this year,'' Toshio Masui, Asia-Pacific president of Colony Capital LLC, a Los Angeles-based firm with $9 billion in investments, said in a telephone interview.
Private equity firms seek to profit from buying undervalued assets and selling them or taking companies public after reorganizing their business.
Los Angeles-based Colony said it plans to spend 300 billion yen ($2.8 billion) this year buying property in Japan, two months after it agreed to buy the home of the nation's baseball champions. It plans to seek investments of about 50 billion yen from domestic pension funds and life insurance companies and will borrow the remainder from financial institutions.
Buying Japan
Colony Capital, Washington-based Carlyle Group Inc. and other private equity firms increased investment in Japan about three and a half times to $7.3 billion in 2003 from a year earlier as such investments in Asia rose to a record high of $17.9 billion, according to the Asian Venture Capital Journal.
Carlyle earlier this month said it raised 50 billion yen for takeovers in Japan, where it expects buying opportunities to boom as companies sell units to repay debt.
Japanese companies, which for many years resisted selling assets to pay debt, are becoming more willing to talk to potential buyers as the country's economy begins to recover. The economy, the world's second-largest, grew 0.3 percent in the three months to Sept. 30, the sixth quarter of expansion, as rising exports prompted manufacturers to buy more machinery and build factories.
``The mindset of Japanese management has slowly changed over the last three years,'' Shinsuke Amiya, head of investment banking at Merrill Lynch & Co. in Japan, said. ``Initially there was reluctance to sell to a foreigner or even a local company.''
Daiei agreed to sell its baseball stadium complex in Fukuoka, Kyushu, the home of the Fukuoka Daiei Hawks, to Colony on Dec. 2 for 79 billion yen in assumed debt. The company has been selling assets to cut debt of 1.2 trillion yen on Feb. 28 last year.
Watching Shinsei
Private equity firms are also encouraged by the more than three-fold profit that New York-based Ripplewood Holdings LLC and its partners are expected to make assuming they were to sell all of Shinsei Bank Ltd. now, which they acquired from the government four years ago.
Ripplewood, Citigroup Inc., Deutsche Bank AG and others plan to raise about $1.8 billion selling a third of their stake in Shinsei Bank next month, in the largest IPO by a Tokyo-based lender in a half-century, bankers said. They will make at least a 60 percent profit selling a third of the company, based on the indicative price of 435 yen a share.
``How well Shinsei is received will be an encouragement to other foreign investors looking to buy into Japan as it shows the turnaround story can work here,'' said Ivor Orchard, co-head of mergers and acquisitions at J.P. Morgan Chase & Co. in Japan.
Vodafone Purchase
Ripplewood last year agreed to buy Vodafone Group Plc's Japanese fixed-line business for about $2.3 billion, in Japan's biggest leveraged buyout.
Goldman Sachs Group Inc., the third-biggest securities firm by capital, San Francisco-based Newbridge Capital Ltd. and two other companies are also taking part in the buyout.
Japan's Nikkei 225 fell 55 percent in the three years to 2002. The stock index rose 24 percent last year and had risen 44 percent by yesterday's close from the low April 28.
``There's a lot of private equity money waiting to come into Japan,'' said Jason Milazzo, head of investment banking at Morgan Stanley in Tokyo.
Last Updated: January 27, 2004 19:51 EST
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U.S. Seeks Talks With North Korea Next Month, Kyodo Reports
Jan. 28 (Bloomberg) -- The U.S., Japan, and South Korea will propose holding talks with North Korea on the country's nuclear weapons program either around Feb. 5 or Feb. 20, Kyodo News Service said, citing diplomats it didn't identify.
The dates were suggested earlier this month by the U.S. government during a meeting with officials of Japan and South Korea. China and Russia, which are also participants to the six- country talks, may agree to the plan, the report said.
The talks were scheduled around birthday celebrations for North Korean leader Kim Jong-Il and China's congressional convention. North Korea will celebrate Kim's birthday for a few days around Feb. 16 while China will begin preparing for a meeting of the National People's Congress late in the month, the report said.
The first meeting between the five nations and North Korea was held last August in China's capital, Beijing, to try to persuade the communist country to give up its nuclear weapons. The first meeting ended without progress.
(Kyodo, 1-28)
Last Updated: January 27, 2004 17:50 EST
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explainer
Is President Bush a Deserter?
How the military defines the crime.
By Brendan I. Koerner
Posted Tuesday, Jan. 27, 2004, at 2:59 PM PT
Wesley Clark has been criticized for refusing to distance himself from filmmaker Michael Moore's assertion that George W. Bush, who served with the Air National Guard, is a "deserter." What is the formal definition of desertion in the military, and does it jibe with the particulars of President Bush's case?
The crime of desertion is covered in Article 85 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice. A deserter, in addition to not showing up for work, must also have the "intent to remain away therefrom permanently." In a court martial, prosecutors can demonstrate such intent by presenting evidence that the accused ditched his military uniforms, bought a bus ticket out of town, or remarked to a friend that he was never, ever heading back to base. Evidence to the contrary might include leaving behind personal property, a lengthy record of otherwise first-rate service, or testimony that the accused's absence was due to substance abuse.
During times of crisis, a soldier can be ruled a deserter even when she has not demonstrated any intent to leave permanently. A member of the armed forces who takes off "with intent to avoid hazardous duty or to shirk important service" can also be found guilty of desertion, and the punishment for abandoning one's duty during combat can include execution. (Click here for Explainer's previous take on the military death penalty.) In rare instances, a desertion court martial is also possible when someone joins another branch of the military, or a foreign army, without first being "regularly separated"--that is, free and clear--from their previous post.
As a practical matter, the military usually divides "absent without leave" cases from desertions by considering the length of the accused's time away. According to a 2002 report by the U.S. Army Research Institute, a missing soldier is considered AWOL until the 31st day of his absence, at which time his status is changed to "Dropped From Rolls," the administrative term for desertion. Few soldiers classified as DFR ever face a court martial for desertion, however; the report states that 94 percent of DFRs are simply given less-than-honorable discharges.
Strictly speaking, Moore's charge is incorrect. "Deserter" is a precise legal term reserved for those who've been court martialed and found guilty. Bush, by contrast, was honorably discharged in 1973. The question then becomes whether Bush's status should have ever been changed to the equivalent of DFR during his term with the Air National Guard, which began after his graduation from Yale in 1968.
The president's allies and critics both seem to agree that Bush's service was beyond reproach until May of 1972, when he left Houston, where he was stationed, for Alabama, to work on a Republican senatorial campaign. The sticking point is whether Bush ever reported for duty with the 187th Tactical Recon Group, based in Montgomery, Ala., as he was supposed to. Bush claims that he did indeed show up for duty, though he did not fly. (A Boston Globe investigation from 2000 quotes a campaign spokesman who said Bush performed "odds and ends" in Montgomery.) Though Bush admits to missing a few required weekends while in Alabama, he says he made up that time when he returned to Texas the following year. He received his honorable discharge in October of 1973, eight months before his scheduled discharge, so he could attend Harvard Business School.
There are conflicting accounts as to whether Bush ever really served in Alabama. The commander of the 187th Tactical Recon Group told the Globe that he has no recollection of Bush's presence. Several Bush friends, however, have insisted that they distinctly remember the president attending drills in Montgomery. The issue has become a partisan lightning rod, with organizations on both right and left offering differing takes on the commander in chief's time with the Air National Guard.
Brendan I. Koerner is a fellow at the New America Foundation.
Article URL: http://slate.msn.com/id/2094496/
-----------------------------------------------------------------

Sex Slaves of West 43rd Street
The New York Times Magazine gets carried away in its investigation.
By Jack Shafer
Posted Monday, Jan. 26, 2004, at 3:59 PM PT
If just one person sold another into sex slavery in the United States, I would call upon the great guns of the New York Times to pulverize the slave master's quarters with tens of thousands of words, to reload, and then fire again. So I applaud journalist/novelist/screenwriter Peter Landesman and the editors of the New York Times Magazine for investigating the issue with the cover story, "The Girls Next Door," in this Sunday's (Jan. 25) issue. Landesman convinces me that sex slavery exists in the United States by citing a successful prosecution of sex slavers and with his vivid description of a Plainfield, N.J., police raid on a house where four Mexican women between the ages of 14 and 17 were held captive and forced to have sex.
But my praise ends there. I can't disprove the claim made in the article's subhed that sex slavers hold "perhaps tens of thousands" of women, girls, and boys against their will in the United States, but I seriously doubt its veracity. Landesman's breathless performance, in which he asserts that "hundreds" of "stash houses" inhabited by foreign sex slaves dot America's metropolitan landscape, offers almost nothing in the way of verifiable facts about the incidence and prevalence of this heinous practice.
Landesman's supporting evidence is vague. Where it is not vague, it is anecdotal. Where it is anecdotal, it is often anonymous, too. And where it is not anecdotal or vague it is suspicious and slippery.
Before drawing and quartering Landesman, let's first cut him a break. It's almost impossible to conduct an accurate census of American sex slaves. It's like counting the number of marijuana smokers, only a thousand times more difficult. We know something about the number of pot smokers from anonymous surveys, from tabulations of marijuana possession and trafficking convictions, from the amount of marijuana seized by police, and from aerial surveillance of pot farms. But except for prosecutions and border interdictions, there's little hard data about the number of sex slaves smuggled into the country. And that makes the numbers incredibly elastic.
For instance, in 2002, the U.S. government estimated between 700,000 and 4 million international victims of human trafficking each year, with 50,000 people trafficked into the United States. In 2003, the U.S. conceded the unreliability of its previous nose-count by reducing its estimate to 800,000 to 900,000 people trafficked worldwide and 18,000 to 20,000 into the United States.
When Landesman cites the 18,000 to 20,000 number in his article, he acknowledges that the government has yet to determine how many are sold into sex slavery, but then he lets Kevin Bales of the nonprofit group Free the Slaves hype his premise with the speculation that the number is "at least 10,000 a year." How credible is Bales? How credible are his numbers? Bales claims 27 million slaves around the world, which is only 10 times larger than the estimate of the Anti-Slavery Society, which puts the number at 2.7 million.
State Department go-to guy on slavery John Miller tells Landesman that the 10,000 new sex slaves a year estimate by Bales "could be low." But the fact is nobody in the field seems to have a good handle on slave traffic numbers or the sex slave population in the United States. So, when Bales surmises that there are between 30,000 to 50,000 sex slaves in the United States at any time, don't feel the need to believe him. Nobody really knows the true answer, but we do know whose interests are served by any inflation of the numbers.
Landesman introduces other dubious figures. He writes early in the piece that "law-enforcement officials say [there] are dozens of active stash houses and apartments in the New York metropolitan area--mirroring hundreds more in other major cities like Los Angeles, Atlanta and Chicago--where under-age girls and young women from dozens of countries are trafficked and held captive." But if police know of dozens of active stash houses in the metro area and hundreds more in other cities, why haven't they busted them? If they have, Landesman isn't telling.
During a session with federal immigration agents in Fairfax, Va., Landesman suggests they look at a Web site "that supposedly offered sex slaves for purchase to individuals." The agents had never heard of the site and gasped when they clicked to an on-going auction for a woman that had topped $300,000. Was the auction real? Did the agents investigate the transaction? Like other shocking scenes in Landesman's piece, it dribbles away without explanation or resolution.
The article's single most preposterous anecdote comes during Landesman's trip to the northern San Diego County community of Vista, Calif. There a sheriff's deputy named Rick Castro takes him to the banks of the mostly dry San Luis Rey River. The deputy leads him into pathways and "caves" hacked out from the reeds and tells Landesman that a local health care worker discovered 400 men and 50 young women "between 12 and 15 dressed in tight clothing and high heels" and "a separate group of a dozen girls no more than 11 or 12 wearing white communion dresses." Landesman describes condom wrappers, toilet paper, and dirty underwear, but he doesn't come out and write that the young-looking girls were slaves who had forced sex with the men. Instead, the deputy tells him how the system works: "[T]he girls are dropped off at the ballfield, then herded through a drainage sluice under the road into the riverbed. Vans shuttle the men from a 7-Eleven a mile away. The girls are forced to turn 15 tricks in five hours in the mud. The johns pay $15 and get 10 minutes."
If that's how San Luis Rey River works, one would imagine that the health worker then blew the whistle, the cops raided the reed brothel, and people went to jail or were deported. Maybe those events transpired, and maybe they didn't. Landesman doesn't say! Instead, he writes, "It was 8 in the morning, but the girls could begin arriving any minute." The reader naturally expects Landesman to stake out the site with the deputy, but instead the scene terminates. What sort of sense does it makes for Landesman, who journeyed to Mexico four times, to Eastern Europe once, and visited a couple of states during his investigation to ignore a prime opportunity to witness the sub-teen foreign sex slave market in action!? I am baffled.
One of Landesman's pseudonymous ex-sex slaves, "Montserrat," says she's lived in Mexico City "since she escaped from her trafficker [Alejandro] four years ago." But Montserrat also talks about how Alejandro took her to see Scary Movie 2 in Portland, Ore. This would be impossible. Scary Movie 2 was released in 2001.
Other minor annoyances populate "The Girls Next Door." Landesman writes about a Glendale, Calif., highway rest stop that's used as a transfer point for sex slaves. Glendale is a densely populated Los Angeles suburb, like Pasadena or Burbank. If there's a highway rest stop there, it's news to me. Likewise, Landesman's editors let him play mix and match with his story to advance his premise about sex abuse of youngsters. During the visit with federal immigration agents, he mentions "Operation Hamlet," in which the agents "broke up a ring of adults who traded images and videos of themselves forcing sex on their own young children." Awful, nasty, and despicable, but what does the prosecution of adults forcing sex on their own children have to do with international sex-slave rings except to boost the tone of depravity already cresting?
Slate colleague Josh Levin notes that much of the sensational material in "The Girls Next Door" comes from "Andrea," a source who can't remember her real name or age. Andrea does remember, though, that one American businessman read to her from the Bible before and after sex, that she witnessed a 4-year-old boy being purchased for $500, that she was regularly passed off to customers at Disneyland, and that one regular john was a child psychologist. (It's difficult to imagine that tidbit coming up in conversation.)
Because Landesman offers so few verifiable facts, he repeatedly pairs fudging adverbs of "typically," "sometimes," "most," "often," and "some" with specific nouns to make his unsourced generalizations appear more real than they are. He writes:
Some of these [Moldavian] young women are actually tricked into paying their own travel expenses--typically around $3,000--as a down payment on what they expect to be bright, prosperous futures. ...
The young women are typically kept in locked-down, gated villas in groups of 16 to 20.
Sometimes they are sold outright to other traffickers and sex rings, victims and experts say. These sex slaves earn no money, there is nothing voluntary about what they do and if they try to escape they are often beaten and sometimes killed.
Most of the girls on Santo Tomas would have sex with 20 to 30 men a day; they would do this seven days a week usually for weeks but sometimes for months before they were ''ready'' for the United States. If they refused, they would be beaten and sometimes killed.
Landesman never actually witnesses any slavery, a point that Daniel Radosh emphasizes in his blog. Radosh writes, "Did Landesman exaggerate the scope of a real but small problem? Are his most serious charges supported by his evidence? ... Should he have been more skeptical of outlandish stories told to him by dubious sources? What attempts did he make to verify these stories?" Radosh is especially good at calling Landesman out for mix-and-matching "instances in which a moderated quote from a government source is paired with an extreme one from someone at Free the Slaves or another advocacy group, as if the former is bolstering the latter."
Radosh wonders in his first blog entry if Landesman might be the new Stephen Glass. But thinking better, he wisely throttles back. I'm not accusing Landesman of concocting anything either, but from what's on the page it looks to me as if Landesman and his editors worked themselves into a Ahab-like hysteria--chasing something real, no doubt, but something they can't capture.
******
See Radosh's blog for updates; he promises to untangle Landesman's story with the Web's metamind. Send your hysterical ramblings to pressbox@hotmail.com. (E-mail may be quoted by name unless the writer stipulates otherwise.)
Jack Shafer is Slate's editor at large.
Article URL: http://slate.msn.com/id/2094414/
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Doubting Landesman
I'm not the only one questioning the Times Magazine's sex-slave story.
By Jack Shafer
Posted Tuesday, Jan. 27, 2004, at 4:19 PM PT
Upon rereading Peter Landesman's New York Times Magazine cover story, "The Girls Next Door," viewing the transcripts of his appearances on NPR's Fresh Air and CNN's American Morning, and corresponding with readers, I've got several new observations and questions to add to yesterday's "Press Box" column ("Sex Slaves of West 43rd Street"). For those who've joined the parade late, yesterday's column rained a shower of doubt on Landesman's descriptions of the American sex-slave trade and his view that it is pervasive, with perhaps tens of thousands enslaved.
Although the larger focus of Landesman's story is the importation of sex slaves into the United States from Eastern Europe and Mexico, he hangs a good chunk--1,200 words--of his 8,500-word story on the testimony of a woman who does not fit that profile. The woman answers to "Andrea," the name she says traffickers and clients gave her. In his Fresh Air interview, Landesman says Andrea is light-skinned. In the article, Andrea claims not to know her real name and doesn't know how old she is, but she believes she was born in America and was sold or abandoned at about 4 years old by her mother or another woman. Other than that, she seems to have total recall of almost everything that's happened to her since.
While Andrea might be telling the truth about her confinement, some of her anecdotes carry the whiff of urban legend. For instance, she says the traffickers would sometimes transfer her into the custody of clients at Disneyland, as if an amusement park with all its swarming children would offer protective coloration for the sex traffickers. In the article, Andrea tells Landesman she would be dressed in a specific color so that clients would recognize her. This is but a variation on the urban legend cataloged on Snopes.com, in which children are kidnapped from amusement centers.
Furthermore, Andrea claims she spent 12 years in captivity, during which she was trafficked back and forth across the U.S.-Mexico border many times by a sex trafficking ring that worked in both countries. Many of my readers asked why traffickers would take such risks and not just leave Andrea in Mexico or the United States.
On Fresh Air, Landesman damages Andrea's status as a source when he mentions that she "suffers from multiple personality disorder and post-traumatic stress disorder," facts not contained in his Magazine piece. If this is the case, how much of Andrea's story should we believe? Were his editors aware of the mental condition of one of his primary sources? Has Landesman corroborated any of her testimony or is he taking it all at face value?
In his piece, Landesman vaguely alludes to the locations of operating "stash houses" that hold sex slaves, and on American Morning he broadcast the location of yet another, saying:
And let me throw you one more address that I couldn't get into the story for legal reasons. But try the Upper East Side of Manhattan in the East 80s, a brownstone nine blocks from where my parents live, actually.
Why on Earth he's giving vague directions to a slave den to CNN viewers instead of phoning them to police, he doesn't explain. And if it's such a hot tip, why didn't the Times publish it?
Paul Zieke of the Los Angeles Times notes another screwy aspect to the cover story about American sex slaves. He writes:
The cover's main headline says: "Sex Slaves on Main Street," with a subhed that reads, "For tens of thousands of women and girls forced into prostitution around the world, the hell they're living is in the cities and towns of America." The cover photo is of a young girl pictured from the neck down sitting on a bed. She is wearing a school uniform complete with plaid skirt.
But the photo was not taken in America. It was taken in Mexico City, as explained several pages later on the table of contents page. Indeed, all the photos in the article save one were taken in Mexico. There are no photos of anyone connected with the sex trade in America, not even a law enforcement official.
My old pal Neal Matthews, a journalist who has lived in the San Diego area for 30 years, doubts Landesman's reporting that boats transport sex slaves from Baja California to San Diego or points north. Matthews, a former Navy diver who knows his way around the Mexico/California coast, writes:
The more I think about it, the more unlikely it is that these girls are landed by boat. Getting into a boat on the beach on the Mexican side would be tricky, unless you were pretty far south of the border, at a little cove called Popotla, near Fox Studios, about 10 miles south of the line. And unless you landed at Imperial Beach, just north of the border, which is crawling with La Migra [immigration police], you'd have to drive the boat north past Coronado, which is mostly Navy-controlled beaches, and patrolled (it's where the SEALS train). The closest beaches then are in raucous Ocean Beach, Mission Beach, or Pacific Beach, where coming in even at 3 a.m. would be difficult unwitnessed. Beyond that is La Jolla, mostly rocky, and then you'd be getting low on fuel. It's just so unlikely.
In an addendum, Matthews writes:
One other obstacle to getting ashore is the kelp beds and drifting kelp that would require the small craft to travel well offshore, where it's rougher. Of course, you couldn't have any lights on the boats, and the skipper couldn't see unless he had night vision gear. Very dangerous. Somebody would have capsized and bodies would be washing up on the beaches by now. Hasn't happened.
Landesman writes that many sex slaves are regularly murdered by their pimps, prompting this sensible question from Nation columnist Katha Pollitt:
If there are that many sex slaves and if after 2-4 years many are routinely murdered in the brothel, where are all those bodies? It's not that easy to hide a body (or is it? it's not as if I've tried). You would just think that given that sexual slavery has been going on, according to Landesman, for some time, by now there'd be hundreds of unclaimed and unidentified bodies of women and children stacked up in the morgue.
None of this is to dispute the existence of sex slaves in the United States. Women, girls, and boys are transported into the country and pressed into sexual service. In the Plainfield, N.J., case, which Landesman features in his lede, two people got 17-year sentences for enslaving four Mexican girls. (Oddly, Landesman doesn't mention their confession and August 2003 sentencing in his piece. As I noted yesterday, this is a Landesman tick: He repeatedly introduces some dramatic scene like a bust or an open-air brothel and then abandons it, making the reader go whaaa?) But Landesman's story fails on every level to convince me--and 95 percent of Press Box readers who sent me e-mail, I might add--that "perhaps tens of thousands" of women and children are spending the night as sexual chattel. I await real evidence.
******
If you're joining the story late, see yesterday's column, "Sex Slaves of West 43rd Street." Send your observation about the Landesman piece to pressbox@hotmail.com. (E-mail may be quoted by name unless the writer stipulates otherwise.)
Jack Shafer is Slate's editor at large.
Article URL: http://slate.msn.com/id/2094502/
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moneybox
High-Wire Act
The elusive strategy of America's smartest media titan, John Malone.
By Daniel Gross
Posted Monday, Jan. 26, 2004, at 2:03 PM PT
Last week, the news that the CEO of Liberty Media, John Malone, increased the size of his voting-share stake in Rupert Murdoch's News Corp. made headlines and held out the tantalizing prospect of a boardroom duel between two grizzled media titans. But rather than signaling an imminent struggle for control of News Corp., the transaction--which flies in the face of Malone's avowed efforts to streamline and simplify his business--is another sign of the entrepreneur's near-compulsive tendency to craft intricate deals.
A flinty New Englander--Connecticut-born, with an undergraduate degree from Yale in economics and engineering and a Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins in engineering--Dr. Malone has frequently seemed the smartest guy in the media business. (Granted, in the late 1990s, that distinction may not have signified much.) Over the past 30 years, cable pioneer Malone has built, sold, and dismantled several empires. In doing so, the engineer has always favored complexity over simplicity.
Since founding Liberty in 1990, he's presided over a bewildering succession of recapitalizations and stock splits, mergers and spin-offs and distributions that seem to have amounted to a somewhat dubious feat of engineering--devising a structure that the market values at less than the sum of its parts. It is taken as a given that Malone's deals are shrewd and brilliant. But most investors have had a tough time puzzling out his logic. Over the past five years, Liberty's stock has badly lagged the major stock market indexes.
Liberty Media today is a strange hybrid--part venture capital fund, part mutual fund, part asset shuffler extraordinaire, and part long-term operator of businesses. Its astonishing array of holdings (click here and download the PDF file to see the 9-page chart) includes bits and pieces of television channels like Game Show Network, Animal Planet, and significant pieces of massive publicly held companies like Interactive Corp. and Sprint. (He even owns two-thirds of MacNeil/Lehrer Productions.)
Starting in 1973, Malone built Telecommunications, Inc. into a gigantic cable company. In 1990, he formed Liberty Media as an affiliate of TCI. As the cable business evolved from the simple delivery of signals into a content business, Liberty became a vehicle for Malone to invest in the new channels that were filling the upper reaches of the cable spectrum--the Starz! movie channel, QVC, the Discovery Network, the USA Network.
In the late 1990s, the cable TV business in general--and Malone, TCI, and Liberty in particular--stood at the white-hot nexus of broadband and e-commerce, telecommunications, entertainment, and sports. Malone parlayed his position into stakes in a range of companies, from Motorola to Sprint, from Time Warner to News Corp. A separate venture arm, TCI Ventures Group, invested in Internet access providers like AtHome Corp.
In 1999, when AT&T bought TCI in a misguided megadeal, it also acquired Liberty--and John Malone. Malone joined AT&T's board, and TCI Ventures was folded into Liberty Media, which remained Malone's province and investment vehicle. Throughout 2000, Malone continued acquiring stakes in technology companies at a furious pace. And at times, he proved no better an investor than David Denby. In 1999, he spent $425 million to acquire a 31 percent stake in Astrolink, bruited as the "first global wireless broadband venture." In April 2000, he blew $200 million buying 5 percent of the perennial media underachiever Primedia. In August 2000, Liberty and Microsoft co-founder Paul Allen agreed to buy $190 million worth of Priceline's stock.
These investments quickly soured. In the meantime, many of Liberty's longtime telecommunications and cable holdings melted down throughout 2001 and 2002. In 2001, Liberty Media split off from AT&T and began trading as an independent, publicly traded company again.
From the moment it became independent again, analysts recommended buying Liberty Media stock based on the assumption that the market would ultimately recognize the worth of its manifold holdings. But that has proved easier said than done. The problem is that Malone has assembled a set of businesses and assets whose value aren't easily comprehensible, even to professional investors. Most publicly held companies are valued on some multiple of the earnings of their operating units. And most investment vehicles--say, mutual funds--are valued based on the sum total of the investments they hold. But since Liberty has always owned comparatively few businesses outright, it has never received recognition for the earnings power of its holdings. A Liberty investor today has to make some judgment of the value of the shares Liberty holds in public companies (easy), in private companies (not so easy), and gauge the worth of the businesses it owns outright, and those of which it owned only a piece. And the magnitude of the total assets (Liberty's market capitalization is about $38 billion) is enough to daunt a buyer who might pay a premium for the whole company.
So, in the past year and a half, Malone has embarked upon a campaign to simplify by taking full ownership of companies and assets in which Liberty previously owned only a minority stake. (Liberty's press releases neatly sum up his activities.) The boldest stroke came last summer when Liberty, which owned about 40 percent of QVC, bought out Comcast's 57 percent stake. And earlier this month, Liberty acquired all the shares of Class B common stock of UnitedGlobalCom, Inc., a big European cable company, that it didn't already own.
How does the News Corp. transaction fit into this new scheme? It doesn't. In fact, this complicated deal, in which Malone swapped a chunk of voting shares and cash for a larger number of voting shares, would seem to run counter to his streamlining strategy of the past year. In this excellent analysis, George Mannes of TheStreet.com crunched the numbers and concluded that Malone managed to acquire the News Corp. shares at a substantial discount to its market price. In other words, it was another clever deal that the smartest guy in the business simply couldn't resist.
Daniel Gross (www.danielgross.net) writes Slate's "Moneybox" column. You can e-mail him at moneybox@slate.com.
Article URL: http://slate.msn.com/id/2094402/
--------------------------------------------------------------

international papers
The Best of Enemies
What's behind the Israel-Hezbollah prisoner exchange?
By Michael Young
Posted Monday, Jan. 26, 2004, at 10:27 AM PT
Most Middle East newspapers led with reports on the extraordinary exchange of prisoners and human remains that will take place this week between the Israeli government and Lebanon's Hezbollah. Forgotten in the brouhaha was an offer by another militant Islamist group, Hamas, to agree to a truce with Israel if the latter withdraws from Palestinian areas occupied in 1967.
Lebanon's Al-Diyar headlined its story, "The Prisoners Will Be Freed ... After the Land Was Freed," a reference to Hezbollah's key role in ending the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon in May 2000. Another Lebanese newspaper, Al-Anwar, which caters to a Christian readership, was equally lyrical: "Popular Preparations [Are Taking Place] To Greet the Liberated Prisoners." Next to the headline was a photograph of a beaming Hassan Nasrallah, the secretary-general of Hezbollah, who knew he had negotiated a good deal. That was, anyway, the verdict of the Israeli daily Ha'aretz, which in an unsigned editorial titled "A prize for Hezbollah," noted, "[T]he principles underlying the deal between Israel and Hezbollah for the exchange of prisoners and bodies merit harsh criticism" because it showed "that it pays to strike at Israel, whether through kidnappings, terror attacks or war, in order to reverse its refusals."
To understand what the paper meant, one had to look at the details of the deal, which Nasrallah explained at a Sunday press conference in Beirut. The London-based Al-Hayat published a front-page story on the secretary-general's statements, in which he described a two-stage process: Thursday and Friday, 435 Lebanese and other Arab prisoners will be released by Israel in exchange for four Israelis held by Hezbollah--three of them soldiers kidnapped in southern Lebanon in 2000. While the three are said by Israel to be dead, there is no evidence of this, and Nasrallah kept up the cruel suspense by offering no clarification. On Friday, the remains of 59 Lebanese and Palestinians will be sent to Lebanon by Israel. In a second stage, beginning this week, Nasrallah said "committees will be formed of the concerned parties to examine" the fate of four Iranian diplomats who disappeared in Lebanon in 1982 and Israeli pilot Ron Arad, who was shot down over Lebanon in 1986.
Though he gave no specifics, Nasrallah reportedly meant two committees--one including German and Hezbollah representatives, possibly assisted by Iran. The Germans have mediated between the parties, and, according to Ha'aretz, may have done more than that to finalize the deal, by promising "to free two Lebanese and an Iranian currently serving life sentences in Germany, and also [trying to] persuade France and Switzerland to release Lebanese prisoners they hold, in exchange for the return of ... Arad or his body." Israel will, incidentally, release a German who worked for Hezbollah. As the Jerusalem Post reported, the second phase will also pave the way for the release of the longest-serving Lebanese prisoner in Israel, Samir Kuntar: "Israel demanded that Kuntar be left out of the deal [because he killed Israeli civilians, not soldiers], and the German mediators eventually decided to link the Kuntar issue with the revelation of information about Arad."
Among those unhappy with the deal, though you couldn't tell from public statements, was the Palestinian Authority. The reason? Israel will be releasing to Hezbollah around 400 Palestinians it refused to hand over to the PA. Moreover, they will all return to the West Bank and Gaza. While a Palestinian minister was quoted in Lebanon's English-language Daily Star saying, "We are happy that the Arab and notably Palestinian prisoners are being freed, and we hope to free all prisoners," he added, significantly, "[T]he list of those being freed was not given to the Palestinian Authority." This underlined what many Arab observers have been saying: An intended casualty of the deal was Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. On the one hand, Hezbollah sought to discredit Yasser Arafat and the PA by showing that only force could bring about Israeli concessions; on the other, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon looked to further discredit the PA as a negotiating partner and saw the deal with Hezbollah as a means of achieving this.
Hezbollah's message of defiance has found an echo among militant Palestinian groups. However, in recent weeks, one of these, Hamas, has suggested it might be willing to alter its strategy, partly through an inter-Palestinian dialogue to arrive at a consensus on how to negotiate with Israel. According to the Palestinian daily Al-Quds, a party spokesman remarked that "bilateral, trilateral, and multilateral meetings are taking place between Palestinian groups inside [the occupied territories] to ... pursue the dialogue that began in Cairo" between the factions. What would such a consensus lead to? For one thing, a change in Hamas' attitude vis-?-vis Israel's final borders. According to a Reuters report published in Ha'aretz, a senior Hamas official declared Sunday that the party would "accept a [Palestinian] state in the West Bank, including Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip [as opposed to a state in all of Israel]. We propose a 10-year truce in return for [an Israeli] withdrawal and the establishment of a state." The report said the comments "appeared to strengthen signs of a big political shift by a faction sworn to destroy Israel."
If so, one unanswered question was how this apparent flexibility was related to the Israeli-Hezbollah deal, whose success sent precisely the opposite message: that being tough with Israel brought more dividends.
Michael Young is opinion editor at the Daily Star newspaper in Beirut and a contributing editor at Reason magazine.
Article URL: http://slate.msn.com/id/2094390/
-------------------------------------------------------

chatterbox
Kerry's Globe Problem
Some of it may not be his fault.
By Timothy Noah
Posted Wednesday, Jan. 21, 2004, at 6:08 PM PT
"The advertising, the speeches in Iowa refashioned John Kerry in a--as a much more authentic person. And now the question is, as he goes back to New Hampshire, a neighboring state of Massachusetts, do the people of New Hampshire, who have been often affected by the coverage from across the border, are they going to see John Kerry less as a patrician kind of elitist liberal and more as the Vietnam war hero who's a working-class tribune?"
--CNN commentator Jeff Greenfield on John Kerry's Iowa caucus victory, Jan. 19.
It's counterintuitive that John Kerry should expect more hostile press in Massachusetts, where repeatedly he has won re-election, than in the corn fields of Iowa. The Boston Globe, which sets the tone for political coverage in Massachusetts and much of New England, should logically cheer on its hometown boy as he reaches for the big brass ring. Ideologically, the Globe and Kerry occupy roughly the same left-of-center niche, and through three Senate elections the Globe has never failed to endorse him. And as decades of adoring Kennedy coverage have demonstrated, the Globe doesn't blush at playing the "homer" (journalese for a reporter who roots openly for local sports teams, institutions, and civic leaders).
But screwy as it may sound, Greenfield's analysis is correct. Kerry really does get unfavorable coverage in the Globe. The paper has exposed relentlessly, and mocked frequently, Kerry's least attractive character traits. Granting that the news pages almost always follow scrupulously the profession's strict guidelines for objective reporting--and that opinions and attitudes inside a newsroom are never entirely uniform--it is nonetheless the case that, broadly speaking, the Boston Globe has it in for John Kerry.
Chatterbox cannot provide scientific proof that the Globe dislikes the junior senator of Massachusetts. He freely admits that his is an impression based on occasional perusal of the newspaper, rather than a counting of favorable versus unfavorable stories. But the impression is widely shared by others. The Kerry campaign, of course, thinks so; its former campaign manager called the Globe coverage "distorted, insignificant, irrelevant and vindictive." But most of the Globe-ies and ex-Globe-ies Chatterbox interviewed for this story (mostly on background) think so, too. This group doesn't think the Globe's coverage is "distorted, insignificant, irrelevant and vindictive," but it does recognize that the Globe gives Kerry a much rougher time than, say, the Des Moines Register.
The instances of Kerry-bashing at the Globe are too numerous to cite here, but let's review some highlights:
In March 1989, reporter John Robinson mocked the newly divorced Kerry as "the Senate's Romeo," and wrote that Kerry "reportedly courted" the actress Morgan Fairchild "on the QT while dating another woman."
In October 1996, in the midst of a heated Senate re-election campaign, Globe columnist David Warsh suggested that Kerry won a Silver Star in Vietnam for "finishing off" an enemy soldier who was wounded and therefore posed no threat. This was untrue; the enemy soldier, though wounded, quickly got back on his feet.
In March 2003, reporters Michael Kranish, Frank Phillips, and Brian C. Mooney reported that Kerry had tried to pass himself off as Irish to boost his popularity in Massachusetts, which has a large Irish population.
In November 2003, columnist Joan Vennochi wrote, "John Kerry's presidential campaign needs more than a new campaign manager. It needs a new candidate."
On Jan. 18, reporter Patrick Healy nailed Kerry for falsely claiming that he'd been endorsed by John C. Land III, the Democratic leader in South Carolina's State Senate. In fact, Land endorsed John Edwards.
As these examples demonstrate, the Globe's swipes at Kerry are sometimes cheap shots or outright wrong, and sometimes dead-on. By Chatterbox's rough estimate, at least three-quarters of Kerry's Globe problem is attributable to his own behavior. "He's a stiff and a phony," Globe columnist Alex Beam told Chatterbox. "Stuff sticks to him because it's true." Beam isn't wrong. The rap against Kerry--that he's a snob, that he's an opportunist, that he approaches facts with a Clintonesque slipperiness--is grounded in persuasive evidence. Even Martin F. Nolan, a former editorial page editor at the Globe who contends the rap against Kerry is not true, concedes that it was true before Kerry remarried and endured a tough 1996 re-election race against Bill Weld. "He would shake your hand and look over your shoulder to see who's more interesting," Nolan told Chatterbox.
The Globe is hardly the only Boston media outlet to harp on these themes; the Boston Herald, a conservative tabloid, is less influential but much meaner. But it was the Globe* that introduced Boston readers to what Chatterbox considers the most damning anecdote about Kerry. As a sitting senator, Kerry once tried to recruit Jacob Weisberg--then a teenage Yalie intern for the New Republic, now editor of Slate--for Skull & Bones. (Weisberg declined the offer and razzed Kerry about Bones' refusal at the time to admit women.) Not even Dubya, Chatterbox will wager, maintained this much loyalty to Bones' elitist and infantile mumbo-jumbo after assuming elective office.
Still, some of Kerry's Globe problem may be a function less of his own foibles than of the Globe's particular culture and circumstances.
Several Globe-ies and ex-Globe-ies told Chatterbox that more negative stuff about Kerry appears in the Globe than in the New York Times or the Washington Post for the simple reason that Kerry gets more coverage locally, period. The Globe doesn't want to get scooped on big Kerry stories, and the biggest political stories are almost always unflattering.
There's also a Dukakis Factor. In 1988, the Globe covered the Massachusetts governor's presidential bid very favorably; the tone was set by the title of Globe columnist David Nyhan's election-year biography, The Duke: The Inside Story of a Political Phenomenon. "They've been trying to live it down ever since," says Dan Kennedy, media critic for the Boston Phoenix. Bashing presidential candidate John Kerry accomplishes that.
Another contributor to Kerry's Globe woes may be the paper's longstanding oversupply of columnists. The Washington Post's Web site lists 21 columnists, which is a lot. The Globe's Web site lists--are you sitting down?--44 columnists. More columnists very likely means more snarky comments about local politicians. An aggravating factor is that many of the Globe's columnists have a blue-collar background (or affect one). They are therefore particularly riled by Kerry's Louisburg Square hauteur.
Finally, Kerry may be the victim of the Globe's lapsed provincialism. An old joke used to have it that if New York were to suffer nuclear annihilation, the headline in the Globe would be "Hub Man Killed in Atom Blast." Visitors to Boston, cosmopolitan city of fine universities and museums, would marvel at the hometown sentimentality of its pre-eminent newspaper. Even after most of the Kennedy family moved away, the Globe remained a shameless cheerleader for Camelot and its heirs.
That all began to change in the 1980s, when the newspaper finally established permanent bureaus abroad and in other United States cities beyond Washington, D.C. A few years earlier, the makeup of the newsroom had started to shift from get-me-rewrite working stiffs raised in Boston's Irish Catholic neighborhoods to Ivy League-educated men and women from all over the country. As a result of all these changes, the Globe came to think of itself less as a local newspaper and more as a competitor with national newspapers like the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and USA Today (even though its distribution remained local). Consequently, the Globe evolved away from the idea that local elites commanded special deference. The change was especially dramatic in the paper's coverage of the Kennedys. "Is Joe Kennedy really dumb?" asked reporter Brian McGrory in May 1993.
It's a question the paper would never have dared raise about a Kennedy two decades earlier. In this new environment, the Globe feels freer to ask (in effect), "Is John Kerry really an asshole?"
[Update, Jan. 22: The Globe endorsed Kerry for the New Hampshire primary this morning. Characteristically, the editorial notes that while the Globe supports Kerry, he gets on its nerves: "Kerry has inspired, impressed, and sometimes infuriated us since he first became the top assistant in the Middlesex district attorney's office in 1977," the Globe writes. Meanwhile, Joan Vennochi has a column headlined "New Kerry: Same As the Old One."]
[Update, Jan. 22: Dan Kennedy of the Boston Phoenix has a thoughtful rebuttal to Chatterbox here. The gist is that the Globe's coverage of Kerry isn't nearly as mean as that of columnist Howie Carr in the Herald and on WRKO radio; political analyst Jon Keller on WLVI TV; or Mickey Kaus in Slate. But none of these outlets has anywhere near the influence on New Hampshire voters as the Globe. Kennedy also notes that--like the Globe--the Herald and the Phoenix just delivered post-Iowa endorsements for Kerry in New Hampshire. Oddly, the Herald's is the most complimentary of the three endorsements, even though its coverage of Kerry is the most savage.]
Correction, Jan. 22, 2004: An earlier version of this column erroneously stated that the Boston Herald had the Skull & Bones story before the Boston Globe did. (The first person to put the story in print anywhere was Michael Specter, who wrote it up for the Washington Post more than a decade before Globe columnist Alex Beam picked it up from Alexandra Robbins' 2002 book Secrets of the Tomb: Skull and Bones, the Ivy League, and the Hidden Paths of Power. But that's probably more than you wanted to know. Return to the corrected sentence.)
Timothy Noah writes "Chatterbox" for Slate.
Article URL: http://slate.msn.com/id/2094235/

Posted by maximpost at 10:18 PM EST
Permalink

ISSN 0143-6597 print/ISSN 1360-2241 online/03/030463-15 2003 Third World Quarterly
DOI: 10.1080/0143659032000084410 463
Third World Quarterly, Vol 24, No 3, pp 463-477, 2003
The former chief of Pakistan's Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI), Gen Hameed Gul,
was noted as saying `it will be a sad day when the institution of the military
indulges in a confrontation with the people of Pakistan.'1 Gen Gul was referring
to the polarisation of religious forces (groups and political parties) against the
current government of Gen Musharraf in response to Pakistan's policy shift vis-?vis
the Taliban in the aftermath of 11 September 2001. What is most significant
in Gen Gul's statement is the implication that a rise in domestic violence would
inevitably elicit and justify further continued military intervention (or praetorianism)
for the sake of law and order. Recent works on understanding
praetorianism have pointed to a direct relationship between the significance of
coercion (to maintain law and order) and the utility and saliency of military intervention,
or praetorianism.2 In other words, `the political power and influence
of the military is greatest when coercion plays a crucial role in...domestic
governance.'3 Given this hypothesis, what are the implications for Pakistan, a
society deeply divided along ethnic and sectarian lines and one that has seen
violence and bloodshed for the good part of the past two decades? While there is
Ethnic and sectarian violence and the
propensity towards praetorianism in
Pakistan
IRM HALEEM
ABSTRACT This article focuses on Pakistan and its divided society, and on its
decades of characteristic irresponsible and unaccountable leaderships. It argues
that a culture of mistrust--a product of a society divided along ethnic and
sectarian lines--and poor governance has facilitated fluid civil and civil-military
alliances which have in turn legitimised praetorianism by either 1) giving rise
to inter-ethnic clashes; 2) fomentation of ethnic and sectarian violence; or 3)
formidable multi-ethnic opposition to civilian governments. These outcomes have
consequently increased the utility of coercion and the saliency of praetorianism
(direct or indirect military intervention). As such this article utilises the `coercion
thesis', put forth by scholars of Asian civil-military relations, which maintains
that, as the utility of coercion increases, so does the influence and saliency of
praetorianism. It is ultimately argued that Pakistan's divided society, with its
subsequent ethnic and sectarian violence and fluid alliances, has contributed to
the country's propensity toward praetorianism. The significance of this thesis is
summarised as the need for both accountable leadership and economic recovery.
Irm Haleem is in the Department of Political Science, Northeastern University, 303 Meserve Hall, 360
Huntington Avenue Boston, MA 02115, USA. E-mail: i.haleem@neu.edu.
IRM HALEEM
abundant and significant scholarship explaining military intervention and military
regimes across continents, rarely has literature sought to understand military
intervention in light of existing ethnic or sectarian divides. This article forwards
the argument that ethnic and sectarian cleavages, through their violent outcomes,
have contributed significantly to the legitimacy and the propensity towards
praetorianism in Pakistan.
The study of praetorianism has long formed the basis of research and analysis,
focusing on its explanations and predictions. In this article the term `praetorianism'
is used to mean both direct and indirect military rule in the tradition of
S E Finer, where direct rule refers to military regimes and indirect rule refers to
the implicit domination of the military in directing and influencing policies and
politics.4 While military regimes, given their tangible nature, are conceptually
easier to understand, indirect military domination may need some elaboration.
Muthiah Alagappa elaborates the phenomenon of indirect praetorianism in terms
of the military's intention to influence politics through an `alliance with certain
political and administrative interests, blackmail (including the withdrawal of
political support), and the threat and use of force' without actually assuming
explicit control of the state apparatus.5 Finer notes one such example of indirect
praetorianism in the case of Brazil from December 1968 to November 1969,
when the military establishment, though not in direct control of the executive,
continued to influence politics by using its `handpicked President [General Costa
e Silva] to dissolve Congress and restrict civil liberties'.6 In this article the term
`praetorianism' will be used to refer to both direct and indirect forms of military
rule.
Studies of a state's propensity towards praetorianism have pointed to a number
of important variables. Among the many explanations forwarded, the following
have been the most influential.
1. Military professionalism, whose significance is understood in three different
ways: (a) the more professional a military the less likely it is to intervene in
governance;7 (b) military professionalism breeds corporate interests within the
institution that increase the likelihood of civil-military conflict and thus
praetorianism, as the military seeks to guard its corporate interests;8 and (c)
military professionalism, through better training and equipment, may invite
the military to play a larger role in matters of internal security and economic
development, thereby increasing both its sense of efficacy and its criticism of
the civilian administration, leading to a likelihood of praetorianism.9
2. Garrison state hypothesis: this asserts that states which are perpetually under
the threat of war inevitably view their military, and its institutional development,
as an essential component of the nation's survival, thus elevating the
military's political status and thereby encouraging praetorianism.10
3. Expansion of the military's roles: the contention that the military's inheritance
of non-military (socioeconomic) roles--perhaps as an outcome of the
incompetence of civilian (ie democratically elected) governments--engenders
praetorianism, as the significance of the military for domestic development
increases its societal acceptance and thus its influence and power.11
4. Political underdevelopment: the argument that unconsolidated democracies
464
PROPENSITY TOWARDS PRAETORIANISM IN PAKISTAN
often promote political instability, which tends to invite military intervention
in both state and society.12
5. Corrupt and inept civilian governments: an explanation that points to the
civilian government's de-legitimisation in promoting praetorianism.13
6. Economic underdevelopment: the argument that poverty breeds political
apathy on the part of civil society, which thus becomes less likely to (want to)
object to any civil-military transitions in governance.14
7. Impact of colonialism: the hypothesis that Western colonisers, with their
traditional tendency to focus on the development of military-bureaucratic
structures at the expense of the civil indigenous bourgeoisie of the host state,
have left behind a policy more prone to praetorianism as the indigenous
bourgeoisie have become dependent on the military-bureaucratic elite for
their survival.15
Clearly, the variables outlined in these explanations cannot be viewed as
`sufficient' in and of themselves.16 For example, India, much like Pakistan, can be
identified as a garrison state, yet India has never experienced any form of praetorianism.
Therefore, a meaningful understanding of the many explanations of
praetorianism must appreciate the variables as `necessary' and not `sufficient'
and must recognise the importance of case studies in delineating the relevance of
the theories.17
With only a few exceptions, popular literature has not accorded due weight to
ethnic and sectarian divides as a variable explaining a country's propensity
toward praetorianism in democratically unconsolidated polities.18 This is most
surprising, since a number of countries known for their persistent or sporadic
praetorianism have also been countries with deep ethnic (if not also sectarian)
divides: Burma (direct praetorianism since 1962 in part legitimised by the
military's ability to contain ethnic violence); Pakistan (both direct and indirect
praetorianism since 1947, perpetuated by a stubborn ethnic divide and continued
ethnic and sectarian violence); Sri Lanka (indirect praetorianism in the form of
national security implemented through military `emergency measures' against
ethnic violence in the north--from the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam--and in
the south against the threat from the Marxist-Maoist Janatha Vimukthi Youth);19
and Indonesia (direct praetorianism, 1967-98, strengthened and legitimised by
the post-1975 East Timorese struggle for independence).20
In fact, even in the aftermath of the most recent October 1999 coup d'?tat in
Pakistan, and despite the escalating ethnic and sectarian violence in the country,
mainstream scholars and journalists alike focused solely on the country's retarded
democracy, corrupt civilian leadership and the country's economic underdevelopment
as explanations of General Musharraf's military regime.21 What is striking
is that studies of a country so deeply divided, with as frequent an incidence of
violence, should marginalise the impact of ethnic and sectarian divides in its
explanation of praetorianism.
The few exceptions to the marginalisation of ethnic divide as a contributing
variable of praetorianism can be found in the works of Gino Germani and
Kalman Silvert, and Cynthia Enloe. In their study of some 20 republics in Latin
America, Germani and Silvert examined a number of variables thought to have
465
IRM HALEEM
contributed to military intervention, of which ethnic divide was one. According to
their research `ethnic and cultural heterogeneity' offered a significant partial
explanation of praetorianism in Brazil, Peru and Bolivia as it contributed to the
fragmentation of national identity and cohesion, presumably encouraging
alliances that facilitated military intervention.22 Cynthia Enloe also focused on
ethnic divides as an explanation of praetorianism in Malaysia, but for different
reasons. Enloe proposed that, given the overwhelming domination of one specific
ethnic group in the Malaysian military, military intervention in politics would be
triggered any time the interests of this particular ethnic group were threatened.
Thus, according to this explanation, the overwhelming representation of the
Malays in the military, at the expense of the Chinese and Indian ethnic groups,
disposed the military to political intervention. As such, Enloe explained the
importance of ethnic divides in promoting praetorianism in terms of the military
protecting its own ethnic interests in society.23
In the case of Pakistan, relevant explanations of praetorianism have pointed to
the impact of a colonial legacy, a garrison state, a democratically unconsolidated
polity unable to muster a united opposition against any military or civilian rule,
and the corporate interests of the military institution.24 In this article I go beyond
popular explanations to argue that the ethnic and sectarian divide in Pakistan has
played a significant role in contributing to praetorianism through its promotion of
civil-military alliances and counter-alliances which have at times legitimised
military intervention.
My proposition is that a culture of mistrust, ethno-nationalism and sectarian
hatreds, superimposed on a democratically unconsolidated polity, has encouraged
fluid inter- and intra-group/party (ethnic or sectarian) alliances. As such,
alliances have been either been civilian (between ethnic or sectarian parties, or
between parties and civilian government) or civil-military (civilian ethnic or
sectarian parties and the military). These fluid alliances have legitimised direct or
indirect praetorianism because they have either (a) given rise to inter-ethnic party
clashes; (b) fomented ethnic or sectarian violence; or (c) encouraged sectarian or
multi-ethnic opposition to government. More significantly, the outcomes of such
alliances have either compromised, or threatened to compromise, law and order,
thereby increasing the utility of coercion and control and consequently increasing
the influence of the military.25
This paper will examine three determinants of fluid civil and civil-military
alliances. First, the exploitation, courtship and creation of ethnic or sectarian
political parties by the military, intended at justifying a coup, maintaining the
legitimacy of its regime, or maintaining indirect control over politics (indirect
praetorianism). Second, the tendency of ethnic and sectarian political parties to
forge alliances with the military, intended to destabilise a civilian government
perceived to be hostile to their particular ethnic interests. Third, the exploitation
of sectarian and ethnic divides by civilian governments, through their alliances
and counter-alliances with ethnic and sectarian groups, intended to consolidate
their rule but resulting in the fomentation of violence, thereby justifying direct or
indirect military intervention.
466
PROPENSITY TOWARDS PRAETORIANISM IN PAKISTAN
Praetorianism and the nature of ethnic and sectarian divides
In the interest of offering a background to the aforementioned proposition, a brief
outline of Pakistan's history of praetorianism, the nature of its ethnic and
sectarian divide, and an illustration of the scale of corresponding violence
deserves mention. From its very inception in 1947, though a multi-ethnic and
multi-sectarian state (but Sunnis have always been the majority sect), Pakistan
has been unable to consolidate a sense of united national identity. Pakistan's
fractured national identity was exacerbated by the mushrooming of ethnic
(cultural, linguistic) political parties in the 1970s and 1980s which identified their
political legitimacy with their ethnicity.26 Sporadic calls by radical Sunni groups
to outlaw Shia religious practices (the minority sect), and violent action and
reaction on the part of both sects have further divided society along sectarian
lines.27 Further exacerbating the ethnic divide is the fact that, similarly to
Malaysia and also the pre-civil war Lebanon in Enloe's analysis, the Pakistani
military has been dominated by one particular ethnic group, the Punjabis
(although the Pushtoons have been a close second). This ethnic distortion has
contributed to the alienation of other underrepresented ethnic groups, who have
come to view the military as hostile to their interests.28 Given that the axis of
power in Pakistan has traditionally rested with the military-bureaucratic
complex,29 this alienation has further retarded a sense of a united national
identity. The end result has been a divided society whose dynamics continue to
legitimise direct or indirect praetorianism.
Superimposed on a deep ethnic and sectarian divide has been Pakistan's consistent
experience with direct and indirect praetorianism. Pakistan has
experienced what SE Finer would call the `indirect continuous rule of the
military' during the years 1947-58; 1971-77; and 1988-99. Samina Ahmed
notes that the persistence of indirect praetorianism in Pakistan has meant that
nearly all the dismissals of elected prime ministers in the post-1988 era were at
the instigation of the military through its alliance with the presidents.30 In
addition, Pakistan has on four different occasions been under the direct rule of the
military: 1958-68, 1968-71, 1977-88 and 1999-2002 (see Table 1).
Definitions of ethnic groups and sectarian divide, in the sense specific to
Pakistan, should be given. The origins of ethnicity have long been muffled in
academic controversy ranging between primordial or constructivist schools of
thought. The definition of what comprises an ethnic group is also open to debate.
In the Horowitzian sense, `ethnic group' is defined in terms of a group with
shared ascriptive identities such as language, religion, sect, race or tribe.31
However, in the case of Pakistan, analyses of ethnic divides and violence have to
be separated from their sectarian counterparts because the sectarian divide
presents itself as a subset within the four different ethnic groups. Thus, an
ethnic identity does not necessarily correspond to a specific sectarian identity in
Pakistan. As such, the ethnic and sectarian divides present themselves as two
separate phenomena. Four distinct provinces demarcate ethnic identity in
Pakistan, each with its own national and linguistic identity. The provincial/ethnic
divides are as follows: Punjab (Punjabi, 56% of the population); Sindh (Sindhi,
Gujarati, Memoni Kutchhi, 17% of the population); Northwest Frontier province
467
IRM HALEEM
(Pushto, 16% of the population); Baluchistan (Baluchi, 3% of the population). In
addition, while not represented in a separate province, though not from a lack of
want, there is also the Mohajiri ethnic group, comprising 6% of the population
and speaking Urdu.32 The Mohajiris, who have been an ethnic minority in the
rural areas of the province of Sindh but a majority in the urban areas (particularly
in Karachi), have often felt marginalised. In the mid-1990s this sense of
marginalisation led the Mohajiris to demand a division of Sindh into urban and
rural so that they could be the ethnic majority in their subsequent provincial
assembly.33
The ethnic divide has been a basis of conflict and violence for a number of
reasons (where violence is differentiated from conflict in terms of its intensity
and bloodshed). The dominance of the Punjabi ethnic (linguistic) group, in both
governance and within the military, has fomented much resentment and distrust.
Economic scarcity (in the country as a whole), exacerbated by inter-provincial
migration, has created resentment towards the ethnic migrants into a province and
the consequent scapegoating (the `othering') of the newcomers. Sindhis and
Baluchis, for example, have resented the migration of Punjabis and Pushtoons
(from the Northwest Frontier province) into their respective provinces. Ethnic
tensions based primarily on the scarcity of resources have been theoretically
predicted as giving rise to ethno-nationalism not only on the part of the dominant
ethnic group but also on the part of the minority ethnic group (the newcomers to
468
TABLE 1
Chronology of transitions in government
1947 Creation of Pakistan.
1947-58 Civilian government. Tumultuous political climate.
1958 Military coup d'?tat, headed by General Yahya Khan.
1958-69: Military government of General Ayub Khan.
1969 Ayub transfers power to General Yahya Khan
1969-71 Military government of General Yahya Khan
1971 Pakistan's defeat in a civil war, the secession of East Pakistan into Bangladesh.
1971-72 Military yields to the civilian leadership of Zulfikar Bhutto, initially as caretaker
president but inaugurated as prime minister in 1972
1972-77 Civilian government of Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto
1977 Military coup d'?tat, headed by General Zia ul-Haq
1977-88: Military government of General Zia ul-Haq
1988 Zia dies in a plane crash. Caretaker administration August-November 1988
1988-1990: Civilian government of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (first term)
1990 Dismissed by President. Caretaker administration August-October 1990
1990-93: Civilian government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif (first term)
1993 Dismissed by President. Interim prime minister July-October 1993
1993-96: Civilian government of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto returns
1996 Dismissed by President. Caretaker administration November 1996-
Feburary 1997.
1997-99: Civilian government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif returns
1999 Military coup d'?tat, headed by General Pervez Musharraf (October)
1999-2002 Military regime of General Pervez Musharraf
PROPENSITY TOWARDS PRAETORIANISM IN PAKISTAN
a province).34 For example, the resentments of the Baluchis towards the Pushtoon
migration into their province (Baluchistan) induced the creation of the Pushtoonkhwa
Milli Awami Party (PMAP), an anti-Baluchi Pushtoon separatist party.35
Ethnic violence in Pakistan has been abundant, particularly since the 1980s,
with the following examples offering some illustration of this phenomenon.
Between 1985 and 1992 over 3000 people had lost their lives in the province of
Sindh as a result of ethnic violence between the indigenous Sindhis and the
minority Mohajiris.36 From 29 April to 5 May 1994 the Mohajir Qaumi Movement
(MQM)--a Mohajari nationalist political party--violently reacted against
both the provincial Sindhi government as well as the federal government (which
at the time was headed by a Sindhi prime minister) in what became known as the
`six-day insurgency'. During this period 32 people were killed, 70 law enforcement
agencies were attacked, as masked MQM snipers took to the streets.37 In 1991
the province of Baluchistan saw its most bloody violence between Baluchis and
Pushtoons, when 22 people died as a result of a dispute over the shifting of the
site of an agricultural college; the incident elicited a military curfew of 18 days.38
Superimposed on an ethnic divide has been the sectarian divide in Pakistan.
This particular divide has been the basis not only of conflict but also of much
bloody violence. In fact, one can effectively argue that the sectarian divide has a
greater potential for causing instability and the possible `Lebanonisation' of
Pakistan than any provincial/ethnic divide because of the higher levels of emotion
and consequent religious fanaticism.39 Pakistan is divided along Sunni and Shia
(two branches of Islam) sectarian lines, with roughly 75%-85% of the population
belonging to the Sunni sect and 15%-25% of the population belonging to the
Shia sect. The vehement rejection of contending sectarian groups by certain
sectors of the population has given rise to several ultra-radical sectarian groups
along with their militant offshoots. Examples of these so-called Jihadi groups
include the Sunni Sipah-I Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), the Shia Tahriki-Jafaria Pakistan
(TJP) and the Sipah-I Muhammed (SM). Between 1990 and 1997 wars among the
sectarian groups claimed some 581 lives nationwide. In July 1992 the Northwest
Frontier province was transformed into a bloody battleground during which seven
Sunnis and three Shia were killed and 49 others injured in a matter of just three
days.40 In fact, from the period between January 1997 to October 1999, just
before the onset of the current military regime, 345 people were killed in almost
123 cases of reported sectarian violence.41 More recently, during March and April
2002, sectarian groups in Karachi have taken to targeting doctors (victims have
been from both the Sunni and Shia communities). In fact, sectarian violence has
become such an integral part of Pakistan that law enforcement agencies, the
media, as well as government spokespersons tend to blame any terrorist bombing
or drive-by shooting on sectarian hatreds.
Empirical analysis
Civil-military alliances
The army has used ethnic and sectarian divides to its advantage either by seeking
alliances with groups, by actively accentuating the divides, or by creating ethnic
469
IRM HALEEM
parties in order to legitimise direct or indirect influence. Pakistan's ISI, though
initially designated the task of protecting national security by spying on foreign
national diplomatic missions in Pakistan, and while still ostensibly guarding
against the dangers of sedition by monitoring domestic political parties (particularly
in the light of the 1971 debacle42), is thought to have become the sole
instrument of the army for the exploitation of ethnic groups and parties to its
advantage.43 During the civilian rule of Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto in the
1970s, the army was actively seeking alliances with ethnic and sectarian political
parties unhappy with Bhutto's government in order to facilitate praetorianism.
The Jamaat-I-Islami--an ethnic group with a predominately Pakhtun leadership,
belonging to the Sunni sect--was actively courted by the military to provide a
broader base of support for a future coup d'?tat, a strategy that proved effective
thanks to the ethnic and political polarisation of the late 1970s.44 After assuming
power, Gen Zia ul-Haq continued, to some extent, a strategy of seeking
`expedient alliances with key religious groups in order to legitimize...[and
consolidate his] rule'.45 That such courtships had a narrow political motive is
indicated by the military regime's desertion of the very groups it had courted
after its consolidation of power. Thus `the Jamaat...ended up being used by Zia
when he desperately wanted legitimacy and discarded when he felt he could
survive on his own'.46 Most notably, Gen Zia ul-Haq's patronage of Sunni
sectarian groups is thought to have fomented sectarian violence during the 1980s,
ironically providing utility to the continuation of his military regime through the
imperative of maintaining law and order.47
Further exploitation of ethnic and sectarian divides by the military, for its
political purposes, also took the form of accentuating such divides in order to
legitimise its (the military's) utility. `The widespread ethnic clashes in Karachi
between the Mohajiris on the one side and the Pathans and Punjabis on the other
in the mid and late 1980s [during Gen Zia ul-Haq's military regime] were widely
believed to have been engineered by the intelligence agencies' in order to
maintain the need for military rule.48 On yet other occasions the military either
created or assisted in the creation of ethnic political parties whose national
constituency was to be found in their respective ethnic communities but through
whom the army extended its political influence in society (indirect praetorianism).
The quintessential example of this was the army's creation of the Islamic
Jamhoori Ittihad (IJI), with the help of the ISI, in the late 1980s.49 The IJI was to be
a coalition party that consisted of right-of-centre parties and Islamist parties, of
which the Muslim League (PML) was the most important, and was to be a Punjabi
political party reflecting the ethnic majority in the army.50 Nawaz Sharif, propped
up as the head of this party, was thus also a product of the army, trained and
cultivated to serve its interests indirectly. It is thought that the creation of both the
IJI and Nawaz Sharif in the late 1980s was intended to counter the influence of
the incumbent Pakistan People's Party (PPP), a predominately Sindhi party,
headed by a Sindhi prime minister, Benazir Bhutto. When in 1990 Nawaz
Sharif's IJI won its place as the majority party in the National Assembly, replacing
the PPP, the army's political jugglery paid off.
Prime Minister Sharif's first term in office (1990-93) was used by the army to
470
PROPENSITY TOWARDS PRAETORIANISM IN PAKISTAN
strengthen its relations with other disgruntled ethnic political parties, with the
hope of fomenting advantageous civil-military alliances that could guarantee an
avenue for continued (and legitimised) praetorianism. For example, through the
endorsement of the army, the IJI re-approached representatives of the MQM both at
the provincial and national levels. Strengthening relations with the MQM was
important not only to counter the popularity of the Sindhi PPP, but also to provide
legitimacy to the IJI government by making it appear representative of other
ethnic interests. Interestingly, by extending Sharif's IJI's influence beyond the
Punjabi constituency, the army was indirectly extending its hand in politics
beyond its own ethnic constituency, a particularly important strategy for the
facilitation of praetorianism given the culture of mistrust so prevalent in Pakistan.
Interestingly, the very emergence of the MQM in 1984 was credited to the strong
army endorsement of the party. Some analysts argue that one reason for this
endorsement were intelligence reports that forecast that the MQM would be the
most powerful counter-force to the PPP in Sindh. The endorsement of the MQM,
during the military regime of Gen Zia ul-Haq, was therefore part of a strategy to
counter the emerging democratic movement (of which the PPP was a part) in the
province of Sindh, where it is thought the `military government was practically
facing an insurgency'.51 Thus, supporting a political party that accentuated the
ethnic divide--both at the provincial and the national levels--reinforced the
military regime as it reduced the chances of a united opposition against it.
Civil-military alliances, in addition to being an initiation of the army for its
political interests, have also been the initiation of ethnic and/or sectarian groups
disgruntled with incumbent civilian governments. Such alliances have inevitably
been pro-military, thereby legitimising praetorianism. For example, by mid-1999
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's policies and actions had succeeded in alienating
key ethnic and sectarian political parties. In the absence of the 8th constitutional
amendment (repudiated by Sharif in 1997), popular support for his dismissal
found no legal channels of recourse. The absence of any legal channels to dismiss
Sharif's government contributed to the popular pro-military stance and the de
facto alliance of key ethnic and sectarian parties with the army. The coup d'?tat
in October 1999 was subsequently celebrated.52 Popular alienation from Sharif's
government was based on a number of reasons, not least of which was his
dictatorial style of rule, which was responsible for numerous extra-judicial executions.
53 The specific alienation of ethnic and sectarian groups was based on both a
perceived discriminatory allocation of resources to provinces other than his own
(namely Punjab),54 and on a popular sense that his administration was weak and
ineffective and, in the aftermath of the Kargil war between Pakistan and India in
1999, on a growing sense of betrayal by the Sharif administration.
In terms of the misallocation of resources to the determinant of their province,
ethnic Sindhis were particularly vociferous. Most noteworthy, this alienation
from Sharif's government motivated an alliance between erstwhile ethnic/
political enemies, namely the PPP and the MQM.55 This unlikely inter-ethnic
alliance, united only in its opposition to Sharif's government, inevitably provided
broader legitimacy for a coup in 1999. One observer notes, `there was no
doubting the public's jubilation and relief at the removal of Sharif's government
all over Sindh'.56
471
IRM HALEEM
The growing sense that Prime Minister Sharif's administration was ineffective
and weak emanated primarily from sectarian political parties, in part because of
the increasing levels of sectarian violence associated with his second tenure in
office (1997-99), contrary to his promise of reducing sectarian violence, and in
part because of his handling of the Kargil debacle.57 When, following US
pressure, Sharif called off the Kargil operation and withdrew Pakistani troops in
June 1999,58 pro-Kashmiri domestic sectarian groups interpreted this as both
weakness and betrayal. Perceptions of betrayal were heightened in the minds of
sectarian groups when Sharif's acquiescence to the USA had him denying any
prior knowledge of the operation.59 Groups such as the Jamaat-I-Islami, as well
as their Jihadi counterparts in Kashmir, thus took a lead in the anti-Sharif
agitation.60 This alienation from Sharif's policies and actions led to the fomentation
of a formidable multi-ethnic and sectarian opposition to his administration
which, in July 1999, saw the participation of over 40 000 people in a rally led by
the Jamaat-I-Islami.61 Although this rally was initially organised as a reaction to
Sharif's actions in the Kargil war and was expected to be sectarian in nature,
various ethnic groups such as the PPP, as well as the MQM nonetheless joined in.
What is most notable here is Roger Petersen's argument, in his study of ethnic
violence, that fear is a product of `structural changes such as the...weakening [or
perceived weakening or, indeed, perceptions of untrustworthiness] of the political
center', which ultimately introduces the threat of anarchy and `heightens the
desire for security'.62 The argument here is that in the case of Pakistan, a country
with already existing fracture lines based on its ethnic and sectarian divides, the
desire for security in late 1999 both legitimised and elicited military intervention,
since the military was the only institution associated with protecting the country
from all threats within and without.63
Civilian alliances
In the immediate onset of her first tenure as prime minister (1988-90), Benazir
Bhutto forged an alliance between her PPP and the ethnic Mohajir MQM. This
proposed and de facto coalition government agreement, headed as it was by an
ethnic Sindhi prime minister, was considered important for two reasons. First, the
increasing animosities between the Sindhis and the Mohajiris in Bhutto's home
province of Sindh made it imperative that the national government make some
efforts towards reconciliation with this group in order to broaden its constituency
and legitimacy. Second, Prime Minister Bhutto was well aware of the economic
power of the Mohajiris in urban Sindh, and of the fact that, feeling ethnically
marginalised the Mohajiris had on more than one occasion threatened sedition.
Thus, an alliance with this ethnic group was considered politically strategic.
However, events took a turn for the worst when the PPP-MQM alliance was seen
as favouritism towards Mohajiris by Bhutto's own Sindhi constituency. With the
fear of alienating her own ethnic constituency, Benazir Bhutto slowly distanced
herself from the alliance and de facto discarded the agreement altogether. This
inevitably alienated the Mohajiris and fomented ethnic conflict between them and
the Sindhis at both the provincial and national levels. In 1989, when the alliance
officially collapsed, MQM's opposition against the provincial and national govern-
472
PROPENSITY TOWARDS PRAETORIANISM IN PAKISTAN
ments turned violent. Instead of opening some kind of a dialogue with the MQM
that could result in a mutually beneficial agreement, Prime Minister Bhutto
instead resorted to harsh tactics by mobilising the military to suppress the MQM
uprising in 1990. Indeed, the harshness of her tactics soon associated her government
with using `terror' tactics against an ethnic minority in order to oppress
them politically. This mismanagement of ethnic relations alienated the military,
which had not wanted to become associated with Bhutto's failed policies and
harsh tactics for fear of losing its own legitimacy in the eyes of the people.
Consequently, as ethnic conflict worsened in Sindh, the army instigated the early
dismissal of Benazir Bhutto through the vehicle of its alliance with the president
and the invocation of the 8th Constitutional amendment.64
Efforts at broadening her constituency over a divided society during her second
term in office (1993-96) had Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto exploiting the
sectarian divide through forging alliances and counter-alliances with opposing as
well as contending sectarian groups. This was a two-pronged strategy. On the one
hand, it was a policy of `exchanging immunity from prosecution and freedom of
activity for sectarian forces for their [political] support'.65 On the other hand, it
was a strategy that sought to divide groups within the same sectarian affiliation
by pitting one against the other in order to weaken the probability of a united
sectarian opposition, and to gain a foothold within hostile sectarian cliques. For
example, Prime Minister Bhutto (herself a Shia) forged an alliance with the Party
of Ulama of Islam (JUI), a Sunni political party whose ties to an extremist Sunni
group, the SSP, were ignored. When this alliance provoked anti-government
rallies on the part of extremist Shia political parties, such as the TJP, Benazir
Bhutto sough to undermine one extremist group by allying with another such
group within the same sectarian affiliation. Thus, in order to undermine the
extremist Shia TJP, her government forged a counter alliance with the most
radical of all sectarian Shia political parties, the SM in order to maintain her
foothold among her sectarian Shia constituency.66 Consequently, `by 1995 the PPP
government found itself in the position of actively supporting the most militant
sectarian forces on both sides: the SSP [Sunni] through the JUI and the SM
[Shia] in order to weaken the TJP [Shia] and maintain a foothold in Shia
politics'.67 Massive sectarian violence and bloodshed that resulted from Bhutto's
political juggling once again increased the influence of the military by
legitimising indirect praetorianism in the interests of law and order. The invocation
of the 8th Constitutional amendment and the consequent dismissal of Prime
Minister Bhutto were once again thought to have been instigated by the army in
1996.68
Summary and significance
Pakistan's fundamental problem has been a fractured national unity, polarised as
it has been with ethnic and sectarian differences. Superimposed on this reality
have been the legacies of irresponsible and unaccountable leaderships throughout
the 1980s and 1990s (whether military or civilian).69 A combination of these
factors have bred public ambivalence and apathy towards both government and
politics, leading to a disconnect between the elites and the masses. Ambivalence
473
IRM HALEEM
and apathy, as predicted by Luttwak,70 have further facilitated praetorianism, as
the general public has seen no reason to resist it given the unrepresentative nature
of civilian democratic governments. Juxtaposed on a fragmented society, poor
governance and popular ambivalence, has been Pakistan's poor economic
standing. With a popular view that the country's legal institutions offer no trustworthy
channels of recourse--a characteristic of an unconsolidated democracy--
ethnic and sectarian groups, as well as civilian and military elites, have pursued
alliances and counter-alliances with each other in order to improve their political
or economic standing or legitimacy. These alliances and counter-alliances have
ostensibly legitimised praetorianism either by their fomentation of violence,
thereby eliciting military intervention (indirect praetorianism), or by providing
a justification for a coup d'?tat or the continuation of military rule (direct praetorianism).
The central point here is that poor governance, economic disparities and
fragmented society, eliciting alliances for personal not collective gains (either on
the part of ethnic or sectarian parties, civilian or military elites), have increased
the saliency and influence of the military in Pakistan. Further increasing the
utility of coercion and the influence and legitimacy of the military has been the
fuelling of violence thanks to the growth of ultra-radical groups in the 1980s and
1990s that have in turn found their legitimacy in the disgruntled, apathetic and
ambivalent public. British Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, when commenting on
the international campaign against terrorism, had noted that the only way to
attack terrorism and violence was to eliminate the constituency of apathy and
ambivalence upon which the legitimacy of radical groups is based. The logic and
relevance of this argument for Pakistan is twofold. First, an apathetic and ambivalent
public, alienated as it is from governments and the rhetoric of justice that has
had little positive impact on their lives, is unlikely to pose obstacles to the workings
of radical groups within its communities. Second, radical groups can more
easily recruit from within a disgruntled and ambivalent population as these
groups may feel they have nothing more to loose. The mushrooming of ultraradical
sectarian groups in Pakistan--such as the SSP, TJP and SM, as noted earlier
in this paper--has undoubtedly increased the saliency of military coercion in the
interests of law and order and thereby increased the influence of the
military in society.
Based on the above analysis, the central question becomes `how can a divided
society, such as that of Pakistan, break the cycle of its propensity toward praetorianism?'
The assertion here is that the antidotes to Pakistan's upward spiral of
ethnic and sectarian violence and the subsequent facilitation of praetorianism is,
simultaneously, economic recovery and accountable civilian leadership.
Economic recovery and accountable leadership would break the cycle of praetorianism
by shrinking the constituency of ambivalence that both facilitates
radicalism as well as legitimises praetorianism.
The military regime of Gen Pervez Musharraf--though itself justified on the
basis of countering Prime Minister Sharif's lack of accountability and reliability,
as well as of the formidable inter-ethnic anti-Sharif alliance in 1999--had
focused on enhancing political stability in Pakistan, primarily through the
avenues of accountable governance and economic recovery.71 To this end, the
474
PROPENSITY TOWARDS PRAETORIANISM IN PAKISTAN
regime had instituted a number of policies. These included reducing the National
Assembly's term from five years to four and mandating a minimum requirement
of an undergraduate degree for all candidates running for the assembly in order to
break the unrepresentative monopoly power of Pirs and Waderas (feudal landlords)
and Zamindars (landlords), which reflects family, not community,
interests. He had also instituted a National Accountability Bureau designed to
trace political and economic elites' misuse of national funds.72 The establishment
of the National Security Council (NSC), in October 1999 has also been designed
to increase government accountability and representation and thereby to reduce
public alienation and ambivalence and the subsequent fomentation of violence.
The NSC is designed to comprise both civilian and military personnel, namely the
president, the prime minister, the joint chiefs of staff, and a number of other civil
and military elites. The logic of the NSC is both to introduce a system of checks
on the decisions of civilian governments and to reduce the propensity of coups
d'?tat by providing the military with a formal framework from which to legally
register their input on domestic politics. Critics of the NSC, however, point to its
likely imposition of restrictions on democratically elected governments.
If policies on government accountability--intended to reduce the cycle of
public alienation, violence and praetorianism--seem to be underway, pursuing
the antidote of economic recovery will no doubt be harder. The reason for this is
that Pakistan's economic recovery essentially rests on the commitment and
interest of foreign government donors. In the light not only of the rising tide of
sectarian violence within Pakistan since the 1980s, but also of the post-2001
precarious regional political climate, international economic assistance is much
needed in order to shield Pakistan from internal or external radicalism feasting on
poverty and ambivalence, and from a subsequent eliciting of praetorianism.
Notes
I would like to thank Ayesha Jalal and Am?lcar Barreto for their comments on an earlier version of this
article.
1 Interviewed by Mubashir Zaidi, `The loss of strategic depth can be attributed to the unholy shadow of
the foreign office', The Herald (Karachi), December 2001, p 49.
2 This is an argument forwarded by the contributing authors in Muthiah Alagappa (ed), Coercion and
Governance: The Declining Political Role of the Military in Asia, Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 2001.
3 Ibid, p xvi.
4 SE Finer, `The man on horseback', Armed Forces and Society, 1 (1), 1974.
5 Mutiah Alagappa, `Investigating and explaining change: an analytical framework', in Alagappa,
Coercion and Governance, p 34.
6 Finer, `The man on horseback', p 9.
7 Samuel Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations,
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957.
8 Amos Perlmutter, The Military and Politics in Modern Times, New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1977; and Ayesha Jalal, `The state and political privilege in Pakistan', in Myron Weiner & Ali
Banuazizi (eds), The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan, Syracuse,
NY: Syracuse University Press.
9 Alfred C Stephan, Authoritarian Brazil: Origins, Policies, and Failures, New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1973; and Mehran Kamrava, `Military professionalization and civil-military
relations in the Middle East', Political Science Quarterly, 115 (1), 2000, pp 67-92.
10 Harold D Lasswell, `The garrison state', American Journal of Sociology, 46, 1941, pp 455-468;
Lasswell, `The garrison state hypothesis today', in Samuel Huntington (ed), Changing Patterns of
475
IRM HALEEM
Military Politics, New York: Free Press, 1962; and Ayesha Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in
South Asia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
11 Michael Desh, `Threat environments and military missions', in Larry Diamond & Marc F Plattner
(eds), Civil-Military Relations and Democracy, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1996; and Sattar, `Pakistan: return to praetorianism', 2001. Babar Sattar, `Pakistan's return to praetorianism',
in Coercion and Governance, ed Muthiah Alapappa, Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 2001.
12 Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1968.
13 Larry Diamond, `Is Pakistan the (reverse) wave of the future?', Journal of Democracy, 11 (3), July
2000, pp 91-106.
14 Samuel Huntington, `Reforming civil-military relations', in Diamond & Plattner, Civil-Military
Relations and Democracy; and Edward Luttwak, Coup d'Etat, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1968.
15 Hamza Alavi, `The state in postcolonial societies: Pakistan and Bangladesh', New Left Review, 74,
1972, pp 145-173; and Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia.
16 A sufficient variable is one that always gives rise to a phenomenon. Thus `x' always causes `y'
(praetorianism) and one can not have `x' without it causing `y'. See John Gerring, Social Science
Methodology: A Critical Framework, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, p 132.
17 A necessary variable is one that is important in giving rise to a phenomenon but does not always give
rise to it. So, `x' is important for `y' (likelihood of praetorianism) but `x' does not always cause `y'
and in fact `x' may exist without it leading to `y'. See ibid, p 132.
18 Lack of democratic consolidation here implies ineffective institutional channels of redress and
unaccountable and corrupt civilian leadership.
19 See Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake, `Sri Lanka: transformation of legitimate violence and
civil-military relations', in Alagappa, Coercion and Governance, pp 294-314.
20 Geoffrey Robinson, `Indonesia: on a new course?' in Alagappa, Coercion and Governance,
pp 226-256.
21 Pamela Constable, `Pakistan's predicament', Journal of Democracy, 12 (1), January 2001, pp 15-29.
22 Gino Germani & Kalman Silvert, `Politics, social structure and military intervention in Latin
America', European Journal of Sociology, 2, 1961, pp 62-81.
23 Cynthia H Enloe, `The issue of saliency of the military-ethnic connection: some thoughts on
Malaysia', Comparative Politics, 10 (2), 1978, pp 251-266.
24 Jalal, `The state and political privilege in Pakistan'; and Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in
South Asia.
25 The proposition that alliances and counter-alliances legitimise military intervention is an illustration
of the broader hypothesis that, as the utility of coercion increases, so does the influence and power of
the military as put forth by scholars on Asian civil-military relations. See Alagappa, Coercion and
Governance.
26 Ethnic consciousness, though transformed into a nationwide phenomenon in the 1970s, can be traced
back to the 1950s and 1960s, particularly among the Bengali ethnic group. Bengal had comprised the
fifth province of Pakistan until it seceded from West Pakistan to form the sovereign state of
Bangladesh in 1971. Lack of Bengali ethnic representation at the level of key institutions such as the
central government and the military were primary sources of grievance and demands for secession.
27 Amir Mir, `Unholy crusade', Newsline (Karachi), October 1999, p 69.
28 For example, when in the early 1990s the military was called in by the civilian government to crack
down on the criminal activities of some of the members of the MQM (an ethnic Mohajiri political
party) in the province of Sindh, the entire Mohajiri community blamed the military for being simply
anti-Mohajiri and even called for a secession. The subsequent violence only served to justify further
military operations.
29 Ayesha Jalal, State of Martial Rule: the origins of Pakistan's Political Economy of Defense,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
30 Samina Ahmed, `Centralization, authoritarianism, and the mismanagement of ethnic relations in
Pakistan', in Michael E Brown & Sumit Ganguly (eds), Government Policies and Ethnic Relations in
Asia and the Pacific, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997, pp 83-127.
31 Donald Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985,
pp 41-54.
32 It should be noted that, while the provinces pride themselves on their own cultural languages, Urdu
remains the formal national language of Pakistan. As such, it is understood by all and spoken by most.
33 Hasan Mujtaba & Mohammed Hanif, `Sindh: divide and rule?', Newsline, March 1994, pp 27-41.
34 Michael Brown, `Causes and implications of ethnic conflict', in Ethnic Conflict and International
Security, ed Michael Brown, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1993.
476
PROPENSITY TOWARDS PRAETORIANISM IN PAKISTAN
35 Shahzada Zulfiqar, `The ethnic factor', Newsline, September 1993, pp 130-132.
36 Zahid Hussain & Hasan Mujtaba, `Crime and politics', Newsline, August 1992, p 25.
37 Mohammed Hanif, `Karachi's killing fields', Newsline, May 1994, p 26.
38 Zulfiqar, `The ethnic factor, pp 130-132.
39 Mir, `Unholy crusade', p 68.
40 Hussain & Mujtaba, `Crime and politics', p 25.
41 Mir, `Unholy crusade', p 66.
42 Where East Pakistan seceded from West Pakistan to form the sovereign state of Bangladesh.
43 Maleeha Lodhi & Zahid Hussain, `Pakistan's invisible government', Newsline, October 1992,
pp 23-34.
44 Mushahid Hussain, `Among the believers', The Herald, September 1992, pp 36-41.
45 Talat Aslam, `Resurgent Islam: can it conquer Pakistan?', The Herald, September 1992, pp 25-35.
46 Ibid, p 27. See also Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The Jamaat-IIslamic
of Pakistan, Berkley, CA: University of California Press, 1994, pp 188-205.
47 Vali Reza Nasr, `International politics, domestic imperatives, and identity mobilization: sectarianism
in Pakistan, 1979-1998', Comparative Politics, 32 (2), 2000, pp 171-190.
48 Mujtaba, `Sindh: divide and rule?', pp 27-41.
49 Lodhi, `Pakistan's invisible government', p 30.
50 Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, p 206.
51 Hussain & Mujtaba, `Crime and politics', p 25.
52 Massoud Ansari, `Coup, counter coup', Newsline, October 1999, p 41.
53 Interview with Major General Rashid Qureshi, Press Secretary of Chief Executive of Pakistan, Army
Headquarters, Rawalpindi, 26 December 2000. See also Zahid Hussain, `Day of the General',
Newsline, October 1999, pp 22-25.
54 Interview with Major General Rashid Qureshi, 26 December 2000.
55 Zahid Hussain, `Dead end?', Newsline, September 1999, p 22.
56 Ansari, `Coup, counter coup', p 41.
57 Mir, `Unholy crusade', p 69.
58 For detailed analysis of the Kargil war see Sumit Ganguly, Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan
Tensions since 1947, New York: Columbia University Press, 2001, pp 114-133.
59 Sattar, `Pakistan: return to praetorianism', p 404.
60 Ibid. See also Ganguly, Conflict Unending, p 119; and Hussain, `Dead end?, p 22.
61 Hussain, `Dead end?', p 22.
62 Roger Petersen, Understanding Ethnic Violence, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002, p 25.
63 Ironically, Prime Minister Sharif, the army's own creation, was ousted in the October 1999 military
coup. In addition to the aforementioned popular multi-ethnic and sectarian anti-Sharif sentiments in
the country, analysts suggest that Sharif had also become the Frankenstein that the army was no
longer able to control, thus leading to his ouster. That Sharif had become a de facto civilian dictator is
a fact documented by numerous, and varied, sources and complements this `Frankenstein thesis'.
64 Ahmed, `Centralization, authoritarianism, and the mismanagement of ethnic relations in Pakistan',
pp 83-127.
65 Nasr, `Sectarianism in Pakistan', p 185.
66 Ibid, pp 171-190.
67 Ibid, p 186.
68 Ahmed, `Centralization, authoritarianism, and the mismanagement of ethnic relations in Pakistan',
pp 83-127.
69 A notable illustration of unaccountable and unrepresentative civilian leadership was Prime Minister
Sharif's denial of any responsibility for the Kargil debacle and his popular discriminatory allocation
of national resources to provinces, respectively. Notable illustrations of irresponsible leadership in
Pakistan point to the divide and rule strategies of both Gen Zia ul-Haq and Prime Minister Benazir
Bhutto (during both her terms in office), which resulted in the fomentation of ethnic and sectarian
polarisation and violence.
70 Luttwak, Coup d'Etat.
71 Ikram Sehgal. `Before the referendum: interview with the President', Pakistan Defence Journal, May
2002.
72 MM Ali, `The revival of democracy in Pakistan--an historical perspective', Washington Report on
Middle Eastern Affairs, XXI (8), 2002, p 55.
477

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Military Technology Races
Vally Koubi
Introduction
Because of the nature of modern weapons, significant innovations in arms technology
have the potential to induce dramatic changes in the international distribution of
power. Consider, for example, the ``strategic defense initiative'' (SDI), a program
initiated by the United States in the early 1980s. Had the program been successfully
completed, it might have led to a substantial devaluation of Soviet nuclear capabilities
and put the United States in a very dominant position. It should not then come as
a surprise that interstate rivalry, especially among super powers, often takes the form
of a race for technological superiority. Mary Acland-Hood claims that although the
United States and the Soviet Union together accounted for roughly half of the world's
military expenditures in the early 1980s, their share of world military research and
development (R&D) expenditures was about 80 percent.1 As further proof of the
perceived importance of R&D, note that whereas the overall U.S. defense budget
increased by 38 percent (from $225.1 billion to $311.6 billion in real terms) from
1981 to 1987, military R&D spending increased by 100 percent (from $20.97 billion
to $41.96 billion).2 Moreover, before World War II military R&D absorbed on average
less than 1 percent of the military expenditure of major powers,3 but since then it
has grown to 11-13 percent.4 The emphasis on military technology is bound to become
more pronounced in the future as R&D becomes the main arena for interstate
competition.
In this article I examine the properties of international military R&D competition
when military technology affects the distribution of power. I develop a dynamic
I am grateful to Steve Brams, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Bob Grafstein, Harris Dellas, David Lalman,
two anonymous referees, and the editors of IO for many valuable comments. Part of this article was
written while I was an EU TMR fellow at CORE at the Catholic University of Louvain (Belgium).
1. Acland-Hood 1984.
2. Weinberger 1986, 313.
3. SIPRI 1974, 127.
4. Acland-Hood 1986, 23-30.
International Organization 53, 3, Summer 1999, pp. 537-565
r 1999 by The IO Foundation and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
model in which two nations ``compete'' for the development of a new weapon in a
multistage race and where R&D is costly and its outcome uncertain. Although the
model is based on a well-known model of commercial R&D competition,5 when
factors related to distribution of power are considered, military and private technology
races differ significantly from commercial competition.
I address a set of questions pertaining to R&D spending as nations move successively,
whether simultaneously or not, through the various stages of a technological
race. In particular, I study how the amount of resources devoted to weapons R&D
changes as a nation pulls ahead, falls behind, or catches up with a rival or as a nation
moves closer to successfully completing the development process. Do nations spend
relatively more on weapons development when they are in the lead or when they are
lagging behind? How does the intensity of effort change as the technological gap
increases? Does technological parity encourage or discourage R&D efforts? How do
imitation possibilities affect spending in the various stages of development? Providing
answers to these questions will enhance our ability to explain and predict the
intensity as well as the results of existing and future military rivalries in terms of
observable technological (and other) factors.
The practical importance of this analysis can hardly be overestimated. For example,
how will weapons development programs in India and Pakistan be affected by
China's effort to close its military technological gap with the United States?Will the
intensity of the nuclear development programs in the Middle East accelerate or decelerate
if the Arab states close the technological gap with Israel? Will China's emergence
as a challenger to the United States intensify weapons development programs?
The importance of these questions for the distribution of military capabilities and
hence the probability of war (as determined, for instance, by such theories as the
balance of power) is obvious. As far as I know, no formal models yet exist in the
literature to address such questions.
The predicted race dynamics vary considerably with the type of weapon considered
and the characteristics of the nations involved in the race. The typical patterns
for races where preemption by the winner is ruled out and catching up technologically
is of critical importance for the distribution of power are as follows: The race
begins with the two competitors spending modest amounts on R&D.Abreakthrough
by one nation stimulates higher spending in both nations, with spending increasing
dramatically in the laggard nation. The laggard intensifies effort even more if it falls
further behind or if the leading nation completes development. If, on the other hand,
the laggard nation manages to catch up, it relaxes effort somewhat, whereas the
leading nation redoubles effort. Finally, a tied race becomes more intense the closer
the rivals get to completing development.
I evaluate the empirical relevance of this theory (and hence its practical usefulness)
by examining its ability to match the actual patterns observed during the U.S.-
Soviet missile and antiballistic missile (ABM) systems race. The key implication of
the model is how the level of R&D spending varies with changes in a nation's rela-
5. Grossman and Shapiro 1987.
538 International Organization
tive position in the race. In particular, the theory predicts that weapons development
programs in the United States accelerated as a result of perceptions of either falling
behind or losing its lead and decelerated as a result of perceptions of surging ahead of
the Soviet Union. The study of the actual race reveals a close match with the theory.
This finding suggests that concerns about the distribution of power are an important
determinant of military R&D spending. Existing theories of military R&D programs
(such as the theories of bureaucratic politics, military-industrial complex, and the
technological momentum) tend to discount the role of such ``national interest'' motives.
I first offer a brief literature review and then describe the model. Using numerical
simulations, I address the questions raised earlier regarding the intensity of R&D in
the different stages of the race. I conclude by discussing the empirical content of the
theory.
Literature Review
Interstate technological races have been studied mostly within the arms race literature.
Samuel Huntington draws a distinction between qualitative arms races, where
competition involves developing new forms of military force and generating technological
breakthroughs, and quantitative races, where competition simply involves
expanding existing forms of military capabilities.6 Huntington asserts that qualitative
races may be more desirable from the standpoint of international stability because of
their greater power of deterrence. Michael Intriligator and Dagobert L. Brito challenge
this view.7 They argue that quantitative races insure nations against the possibility
that some technological innovation will render them incapable of an effective
retaliatory second strike (that is, if they have a large number of weapons, enough will
probably survive a first strike to allow them to strike back). Technological races, on
the other hand, are dangerous because they may give rise to a revolutionary technological
breakthrough that renders a first strike attractive (to use the familiar Richardsonian
terms, technological improvement can lead to instability by both shrinking
the region of deterrence and expanding the region of war initiation). D. S. Sorenson
discusses how technological changes in weapon characteristics affect arms race stability.
8 He notes that since a major technological breakthrough is always possible,
competitors in an arms race will invest heavily in military R&D to minimize uncertainty,
a fact that may well lead to arms race instability and higher overall levels of
arms capacity. Finally, MichaelWolfson stresses how uncertainty can lead to escalation.
9
These studies are exclusively concerned with the implications of technology for
international stability and the probability of war and pay little attention to the charac-
6. Huntington 1958.
7. Intriligator and Brito 1976 and 1984.
8. Sorenson 1980.
9. Wolfson 1985.
Military Technology Races 539
teristics of technological rivalry and the process of weapons development. In particular,
there has been no discussion of such important issues as where new weapons are
coming from (namely, that they are the purposeful but uncertain outcome of R&D
efforts), what determines military R&D spending, or how a nation's relative and
absolute position in the technological ladder influences the intensity of competition
and hence the rate of introduction of new weapons. The only formal treatment of
technological choice in a dynamic setting that I am aware of is that byYukiko Hirao,10
who deals with one particular aspect of technological choice, namely, quantity versus
quality. Hirao assumes the existence of two steps in technological decisions: first, a
nation (or its defense establishment if the latter pursues its own interests) decides on
the quality of weapons to be acquired; second, it decides on the quantity of weapons.
The Theory
I study the behavior of two nations competing for the development of a particular
new weapon that can significantly affect military capabilities and the distribution of
military power. The weapon sought could be a single one or a system of related
weapons, offensive or defensive; it may represent an improvement of an existing
weapon or it may be a completely new system; it may be easily producible or not;
and so on. Typical examples are the atomic bomb, the MIRVs (multiple independent
reentry vehicles), theABM systems, and a space-stationed ``super-laser'' gun.
To understand the characteristics of the race one must specify (1) the ``supply''
side (that is, the cost and the technical aspects of the development process), (2) the
``demand'' side (that is, the benefits accruing from this particular weapon that make
its development desirable), and (3) the rules of the competition (that is, how each
side perceives and reacts to its rival).
The starting point for understanding the ``supply'' side lies in recognizing that
weapons development is a complex process (at least for major weapons) whose
completion typically requires going through various stages and overcoming important
intermediate hurdles, each presenting its own difficulties and uncertainties and
each serving as a prerequisite for the final product. In each of these stages, scarce
resources must be employed. Although the more one spends the greater the likelihood
of success, there is no guarantee that one's efforts will meet with success.
To capture this process in a tractable way, I will require that the development of a
weapon must go through three successive stages. In the initial stage, stage 0, no
significant progress has been made. For instance, MIRVs were in stage 0 before
restartable rocket motors and vernier vehicles were developed.11 In the next stage,
stage 1 (whose completion is a prerequisite for moving to the final stage), a nation
10. Hirao 1994.
11. A MIRV is a missile that carries multiple warheads, each able to be separately aimed and targeted.
The warheads are placed on a ``bus'' (a post-boost vehicle that carries and releases the reentry vehicles
(RVs) at precise times and directions) that is equipped with its own inertial guidance system and several
motors that can be used to change its orientation and velocity. The restartable rocket motors allow each RV
540 International Organization
has achieved a breakthrough in the form of an intermediate result, but significant
uncertainty still remains concerning its ability to successfully complete development.
The intermediate result may or may not have any value on its own, depending
on the range of its applications (for instance, the restartable rocket motor that made
MIRVs possible was initially developed for NASA). In the final stage, stage 2, all
remaining hurdles have been overcome and the sought-after weapon has (or can
easily) become available.
A three-stage specification is adopted for two reasons. First, it is realistic. For
example, the development of a relatively small thermonuclear warhead in 1953 was
the necessary intermediate step that made long-range ballistic missiles possible, and
the construction of an operational ``bus'' mechanism was the key engineering development
necessary for MIRV systems. Second, it serves as a means of modeling a
nation's absolute position (how close it is to completing the project) and its relative
position (how far it is ahead of its rivals) in a race. Adding multiple intermediate
steps is feasible but very cumbersome and, as has been demonstrated elsewhere, does
not add any new insights relative to the single intermediate step specification.12
Finally, besides engaging in original R&D efforts, nations may employ another
means of arriving at the desired result, namely, imitation (``espionage''). I will assume
that nations may be able to, perhaps imperfectly, copy technologies developed
elsewhere.
Summarizing the ``supply'' side: a nation can develop a new weapon either with
original R&D or with imitation activities. R&D involves successive stages, is subject
to uncertainty, and its probability of success can be increased by additional spending.
Now we turn to the ``demand'' side. A new weapon is conceived either as a response
to a perceived threat or as a possible source of creating an advantage vis-a`-vis
one's competitors. In either case, there are payoffs to the development of the weapon
that motivate the race. These payoffs may capture anything that nation finds valuable
about the weapon, such as economic resources of other nations that may become
prey to the new weapon, personal prestige that may accrue to the nation as a result of
success (such as completing the first trip in space), or the ability to use the new
weapon as a ``bargaining chip'' in future arms control negotiations.
The ``value'' of the weapon depends on its type, on whether the other side has
already developed or is close to developing it, and, finally, on the characteristics of
the nation (location, type of political system, existing capabilities, other weapons
possessed, type of adversaries, and so on). There is no such thing as a weapon in
abstract; instead, a particular weapon (say, a hydrogen bomb) has certain features, is
possessed by a particular nation (say, an expansionist military regime), and may or
may not be possessed by that nation's adversaries. A weapon may be valuable to a
particular nation only as long as its rival does not have it (for example, a nuclear
to be placed on a different trajectory (the main engine must stop and start again). The vernier vehicles
allow the trajectory of the MIRV to be adjusted.
12. Harris and Vickers 1987. In other words, three stages suffice to define absolute and relative position
in the race as well as distance from the finish line.
Military Technology Races 541
bomb to Nazi Germany); or its value may not be significantly compromised by simultaneous
foreign possession (for example, a nuclear bomb developed purely for deterrence
purposes). Although it may seem that different models would be needed for
different types of weapons, it will become clear shortly that all of the cases described
earlier can be analyzed within a single model by choosing the appropriate payoff
structure. I find this property of the model very appealing.
Finally, concerning the rules of the race, I make two assumptions about perceptions
and interactions. First, I assume that each side knows how far the other has
advanced. Allowing for incomplete information is straightforward. It can be done by
replacing actual with expected values as long as strategic interaction in the form of
signaling, belief manipulation, and so on, is ruled out (such considerations are certainly
interesting, but their introduction would create formidable technical difficulties13).
The most interesting aspect of expectations is that the patterns of weapon
races described in this article can be generated as a result not of an actual innovation,
but rather of a mistaken belief (self-fulfilling race dynamics). For instance, observers
have argued that much of the proliferation of R&D in the United States in the early
1960s resulted from misperceiving Russian successes.
The second assumption is that each nation behaves as if its intensity of R&D effort
does not influence R&D spending in its rivals. Although cross-nation interactions
may be modeled in alternative ways, this assumption is a simple, useful benchmark
in finite horizon games (it corresponds to the well-known Cournot competition) and
may not lack empirical content.
Finally, let me say that my analysis abstracts from issues concerning the optimal
menu of R&D activities, the trade-off between devoting resources to R&D rather
than actual production of existing weapons (qualitative versus quantitative races),
and issues of complementarities and substitutabilities. Attempting to account for these
elements would dramatically complicate the present analysis. In any case, it may not
be a major limitation, since the types of weapons I consider here are often perceived
as not having any close substitutes.
The Dynamics of the Race
The race begins with the two nations in stage 0. It ends when both of them have
developed the weapon or when one has dropped out while the other still continues. At
each point in time, a nation has a relative and an absolute position in the race. It either
leads, lags, or is tied with its rival; and it has either completed, is close to (has the
intermediate result), or is far from (does not have the intermediate result) developing
the weapon.
A nation tries to advance its position by spending on R&D, but the outcome is
uncertain. If it succeeds, then it moves to the next stage. Otherwise, it repeats the
current stage (if it chooses to remain in the race). I will postulate that the probability
of success (that is, completion of the current stage) is a function of the amount spent
13. For example, see Brams and Kilgour 1988.
542 International Organization
currently. I will also allow the relationship between spending and success to differ
across nations (to capture differences in economic and technological status, quality
of researchers, and so on) and to depend on one's absolute and relative position in the
race. This is useful for modeling intertemporal spillover effects within the nation that
successfully completes a stage (learning) or across nations (which will allow the
modeling of imitation in a simple manner).Aformal exposition of the structure of the
model and the resulting dynamics of the race can be found in the appendix. In this
section I offer a heuristic description of the decisions faced by the two rivals as they
move through the various phases of the race.
There are six phases (see the appendix for a more detailed explanation):
1. Both nations have completed development (stage 22).14
2. One nation (the winner) has already completed the project, whereas the other
one (the loser) only has the intermediate result (stage 21 for the winner and 12
for the loser).
3. Both nations have the intermediate breakthrough, but neither has completed
development yet (stage 11).
4. One nation has completed the whole project, whereas the other has not even
come up with the intermediate result (stage 02 for the loser and 20 for the
winner).
5. One nation has the intermediate result, whereas the other has nothing (stage
10 for the leader and 01 for the laggard).
6. Neither nation has the intermediate result (stage 00).
To describe the behavior of a nation at any given point in the race, we must know
the options the nation faces as well as their associated costs and benefits. A simple
way of formally summarizing all this information is through the use of the value
function, which simply computes the net benefits that accrue from pursuing development
in a particular stage. For nation A, it takes the general form
AVij52cA(Apij , AHij ) 1 AGij 1 Apij(1 2 Bpij ) AVi11, j
1 (1 2 Apij ) Bpi, j11 AVi, j11 1 Apij Bpij AVi11, j11 1 (1 2 Apij)(1 2 Bij)AVij
where AVij is the net benefit that nation A enjoys from being in stage ij and Apij is the
probability that nation A will complete stage i when its rival is in stage j if it spends
an amount equal to cA(Apij, AHij). Note that the probability of success depends not
only on the resources spent but also on the possibility of imitation (AHij).
According to this equation there are four possibilities:
14. Stage ij means that the nation under consideration is in stage i, and its rival is in stage j, where i,j 5
0, 1, 2.
Military Technology Races 543
1. Nation A succeeds, but nation B fails. In this case the game moves to the stage
i 1 1,j (from nation A's point of view). The likelihood of this event is simply
Apij(1 2 Bpij), and nation A's expected value associated with this development
is AVi11,j.
2. Nation A fails, but nation B succeeds. In this case the game moves to stage
i,j 1 1. The likelihood of this event is simply (1 2 Apij) Bpi,j11, and nation A's
expected value associated with this development is AVi,j11.
3. Both nations succeed (something that happens with probability Apij Bpij. In this
case the game moves to stage i 1 1, j 1 1, and nation A's valuation is
AVi11, j11.
4. Neither nation succeeds (something that happens with probability (1 2 Apij)
(1 2 Bpij)), in which case the status quo is maintained (AVij).
Finally, the term AGij represents the benefits (losses) that accrue within this period
simply from having to spend this period in stage ij.
I now turn to a more detailed description of the various stages of the game. The last
stage (stage 22) is of no interest from the point of view of racing, because both
countries have completed the project. Let me then describe stage 12. In this stage,
one nation has already developed the weapon (the winner), whereas the other (the
loser) only has achieved the intermediate result. The former no longer needs to devote
any R&D resources to this particular project. Moreover, as long as the laggard is
still without the weapon, the winner enjoys an improvement in the distribution of
power that translates into a per period benefit (payoff), K.15 Although this benefit is
eliminated when the loser catches up, a nation may still draw some benefits from
possession of this weapon--say, W . 0--even if others have it too (perhaps because
of deterrence reasons or because there are technological spillovers across different
weapon systems). For the sake of generality, I will also allow for the possibility that a
nation may be worse off when both nations have the weapon than when neither have
it (W , 0). The loser must decide whether to concede the race and accept the new
distribution of power or to try to catch up (and how much effort to expend in the
process).
Staying in the race is costly because a nation must devote scarce economic resources
to the development of the weapon. This direct cost of R&D depends, among
other factors, on the intensity of effort, the quality of the human and other resources
employed, and the availability of the appropriate intermediate goods. It may also
depend on whether possession of the intermediate breakthrough makes research easier
during the final stage of the project (intertemporal spillovers)--that is, whether success
breeds success, possibly because of learning--and on the effectiveness of espionage
activities that may provide solutions to some of the technical problems encountered
in this stage (imitation).
15. For an example of this type of per period cost (the scenario of Russia reverting to communism and
secretly developing a dominantABM system), seeWeinberger, Schweizer, and Thatcher 1998.
544 International Organization
At the same time, dropping out is also costly for two reasons. First, the laggard
nation suffers a loss in each and every period (denoted by R2) as long as the distribution
of power has worsened. Second, if the development of the weapon is of value to
a nation independently of how far behind one finishes (W . 0), then dropping out
means forgoing these benefits.
Consequently, the laggard selects a level of R&D spending that balances these
costs and benefits. If R&D effort proves successful, both nations have the weapon
and the race ends. If not, and the laggard decides to remain active, then the same
process is repeated again.
Let me describe some of the properties of absolute R&D intensity during this
phase. The assumption that the laggard nation suffers a per period loss as long as it
has not caught up (R2 . 0) has two important implications. First, a loser never
concedes a race. Second, as losses cumulate with each failed attempt to catch up, a
loser will try to restore the previous balance of power as soon as possible. This
translates into a high level of R&D spending. Obviously, the higher the R2, the higher
the laggard nation's R&D spending.
Is unilateral withdrawal from the race a possibility in the absence of such recurrent
losses? An incentive to remain in the race still exists even with R2 5 0, as long as
some benefit accrues to crossing the finish line independent of order (that is, when
there is a direct reward from developing the weapon even if one is not the first to do
so,W.0). But in this case, there is no great urgency on the part of the laggard nation
to complete development immediately, because losses are not cumulative. Unlike the
earlier case (with R2 . 0), which corresponds to a weapon that may be critical for the
distribution of power, this case (with R250 andW.0) may correspond to a weapon
that is developed for prestige or with the objective of being used as a possible future
bargaining chip. Obviously, R&D intensity is increasing in W.
The preceding discussion concerning the specification of the gains and losses associated
with the race highlights one key difference between my model and the standard
patent race model.16 Models of commercial R&D patent races often make a
winner-takes-all assumption (in our model, this corresponds to setting R2 5 W 5 0).
This assumption implies that the race ends when one of the two competitors crosses
the finish line, and it gives rise to dynamics that are different from those described in
this article. For instance, it makes competition more intense when the contestants are
even and has the leader outspending the follower.
The winner-takes-all assumption may be realistic for commercial races (because
of patents or the possibility of undercutting competition through predatory pricing),
but it does not seem to capture the incentives and actions observed in military technology
races. In such races there are significant gains from catching up (or losses
from failing to do so), so losers typically continue their development efforts. This is
true even in situations where the reward from belated success is smaller than that of
winning the race. For example, the development of the A-bomb and the H-bomb by
the United States did not deter the Soviet Union from developing its own nuclear
16. Grossman and Shapiro 1987.
Military Technology Races 545
weapons. Similarly, the Soviet success in launching Sputnik and testing an intercontinental
ballistic missile (ICBM) in 1957 stimulated rather than discouraged large
U.S. programs in ballistic missiles and satellite technology and led in the long run to
the initiation of such new weapon systems as MIRVs and strategic cruise missiles.
The other phases of the race can be analyzed similarly.At each point a nation must
decide whether it will stay in the race and how much to spend on R&D, knowing (or
having a perception of) where its opponent is in the race. It does so based on calculations
of the benefits and losses associated with its relative and absolute position. I
postulate that it is costly not only to lose the race but also to fall behind (because, for
example, the bargaining position of the leader is strengthened or other nations switch
alliances as a result of observing a technological advantage). I also allow for spying
activities concerning the intermediate breakthrough; for leapfrogging, that is, getting
the intermediate and the final results in one step; and for preemption,17 that is, the
lead nation using its advantage to prevent the laggard from persisting with its efforts.
Naturally, the dynamics of the race are significantly affected by each of these possibilities.
The main findings are reported in the following section. My main objective is to
characterize the intensity of the race (the amount spent on R&D) as a function of the
two nations' absolute and relative positions in the race as well as of their other
characteristics.
The Main Patterns
The model is too complex to be solved analytically, and so I have resorted to numerical
solutions (see the appendix). Naturally, the solutions depend critically on the
values of the parameters of the model, which in turn reflect the characteristics of both
the weapon sought and the nations involved in the race. To avoid having to deal with
a myriad of cases I focus on weapon systems and nations that have the following
characteristics: (1) winning the race does not lead to a preemptive strike to prevent
others from developing the weapon under consideration (because of political and/or
military limitations); (2) the unilateral development of the weapon changes the distribution
of power; and (3) nations are defense oriented--that is, they are more preoccupied
with not losing rather than with winning a race (nevertheless, winning a race
is always beneficial to the winner).
Table 1 is the benchmark case. The values selected for the benchmark case give
this weapon the characteristics described earlier. The key feature is defense orientation.
The per period loss from losing a race, R2, is greater than the corresponding gain
from winning a race, K. The benchmark case has two additional characteristics. First,
a nation is better off having a weapon even when its rival also has it (W . 0; recall
17. Leapfrogging and preemption in the context of commercial patent races are analyzed in a multistage
game by Fudenberg et al. 1983. For an extension of this model allowing for variable effort, see
Grossman and Shapiro 1987; and Harris and Vickers 1987.
546 International Organization
that W is the payoff when both have developed the weapon). Unilateral possession,
of course, is even better (K . W). Second, even the intermediate breakthrough can
induce a change in the distribution of power against the laggard, but it is not as bad as
that resulting from unilateral full development (R1 , R2; R1 denotes the loss suffered
by the laggard when its rival only has the intermediate result).
Tables 2-8 show how particular parameters affect the intensity of R&D efforts
during the various stages of the race. For instance, in Table 4 the parameter of interest
is the damage suffered by the laggard nation when it finds itself in stage 12--that is,
without the weapon--but its rival has already completed development (R2). Two
points are worth emphasizing. First, being behind is associated with more intensive
R&D relative to being in the lead or in a position of parity (p12, p01, and p02 all
identify stages in which the nation under consideration is lagging behind its rival;
p10 represents a lead; and p00 and p11 represent positions of parity in the race).
Second, increasing the cost of losing the race (from R2 5 1.5 to R2 5 2.5) intensifies
effort and spending in all but the initial stage. For instance, the probability of success
in stage 12 increases from.57 to .68, which requires that spending must increase by
about 70 percent.18
In addition to these findings, there are several other interesting patterns. First,
consider a weapon that offers an advantage to the winner as long as its rival does not
possess it (K . 0) but has no value (W 5 0) or even carries a deadweight loss (W ,
0) if both have it. If the rewards and losses are fully understood from the beginning,
this weapon may never be developed (p00 5 0 in Table 5). If for some reason a
nation initiates the development of such a weapon (for example, if it miscalculates its
18. The cost of R&D is calculated by plugging the probability of success into the cost function. In this
case, c(0.57) 5 4 3 (0.57)3 5 0.74 and c(0.68) 5 4 3 (0.68)351.25, a 69 percent increase. The cost
function is described in the appendix. The parameter values are from the benchmark case.
TABLE 1. The benchmark case
p12 p02 p01 p10 p11 p00
0.63 0.63 0.62 0.48 0.57 0.34
Note: K 5 1, W 5 0.5, R2 5 2, R1 5 0.5, a 5 b 5 g 5 1, h 5 4, z 5 3, where
K 5 payoff to the winner of the race
W 5 payoff when both have developed the weapon
R2 5 per period loss to a laggard nation whose rival has completed development
R1 5 per period loss to a laggard nation whose rival possesses the intermediate result
b 5 spillovers from the intermediate to the final result within a nation
g 5 imitation of the intermediate result
a 5 imitation of the final result
h and z 5 parameters of the R&D cost function
c( pij) 5 h( pij)z
pij 5 effort level in stage ij
Military Technology Races 547
rival's technical abilities), and if in addition its unilateral possession is important for
the distribution of power, then the rival will have no choice but to follow suit.
Second, the intensity of R&D increases as the cost of resources used for military
R&D decreases (Table 2). Moreover, if the cost of developing a particular weapon is
excessive, then the two rivals may abstain from pursuing this weapon (in Table 2,
p00 is 0.0000001 for z 5 2).19 The relative cost of R&D--in terms of consumption
forgone--tends to decrease in a fast-growing economy. For the same reason, it is
lower in more affluent societies. This tendency implies that nations such as China or
India (who have grown fast relative not only to the United States but also to nations
19. Note that a higher ``z'' means a lower cost, because p , 1.
TABLE 2. The cost of R&D
p12 p02 p01 p10 p11 p00
z 5 4 0.64 0.64 0.63 0.52 0.60 0.51
z 5 2 0.00a
Note: z 5 parameter of the R&D cost function; c( pij) 5 h( pij)z; pij 5 effort level in stage ij.
aAn entry of 0.00 indicates a number approximately equal to zero.
TABLE 3. The laggard nation's loss when the leader only has the intermediate
result
p12 p02 p01 p10 p11 p00
R1 5 0 0.63 0.63 0.60 0.48 0.57 0.29
R1 5 0.8 0.63 0.63 0.63 0.48 0.57 0.37
Note: R1 5 per period loss to a laggard nation whose rival possesses the intermediate result; pij 5
effort level in stage ij.
TABLE 4. The laggard nation's loss when the leader has completed development
p12 p02 p01 p10 p11 p00
R2 5 1.5 0.57 0.57 0.57 0.47 0.52 0.36
R2 5 2.5 0.68 0.68 0.66 0.50 0.62 0.32
Note: R2 5 per period loss to a laggard nation whose rival possesses the final result; pij 5 effort level
in stage ij.
548 International Organization
like Pakistan during the last thirty years) may have found military R&D spending
more affordable and hence may have done more of it. If these high growth rates
persist--as they are widely expected to--then the military R&D spending in these
two nations is likely to increase significantly in the future.
Third, as the gains from winning the race (K) increase, so does the effort of those
close to the finish line (whether they are in the lead or tied; see Table 6). Similarly,
increasing the penalty for losing a race (R2) intensifies effort throughout the race
(Table 4). Finally, improving the effectiveness of espionage (lowering ``a'' and/or
TABLE 5. The reward when both have developed the weapon
p12 p02 p01 p10 p11 p00
W 5 1 0.63 0.63 0.62 0.48 0.57 0.41
W 5 0 0.00
W521 0.00
Note: W 5 payoff when both nations have developed the weapon; pij 5 effort level in stage ij.
TABLE 6. The reward to the winner of the race
p12 p02 p01 p10 p11 p00
K 5 2 0.63 0.63 0.63 0.55 0.59 0.45
K 5 0.8 0.63 0.63 0.62 0.47 0.57 0.30
Note: K 5 payoff to the winner of the race; pij 5 effort level in stage ij.
TABLE 7. Imitation of intermediate and final result
p12 p02 p01 p10 p11 p00
Imitation of the intermediate result
g 5 0.8 0.63 0.68 0.67 0.48 0.57 0.28
g 5 0.6 0.63 0.71 0.70 0.48 0.57 0.21
Imitation of the final result
a 5 0.8 0.68 0.63 0.61 0.47 0.54 0.32
a 5 0.5 0.79 0.63 0.60 0.44 0.49 0.29
Note: g 5 imitation of the intermediate result; a 5 imitation of the final result; pij 5 effort level in
stage ij.
Military Technology Races 549
``g'') improves the prospects of success for the laggard nation and decreases its R&D
spending. For instance, Table 7 suggests that if research on the intermediate breakthrough
can be combined with espionage activities (say, ``g''5 0.6), then the probability
of developing the intermediate result for the laggard nation (p01) increases
from 0.62 to 0.70, but the amount spent declines by about 25 percent (4 3 0.6 3
0.73 2 4 3 0.623, see footnote 18).
One can use the findings reported in the tables to address several questions of
interest concerning how relative and absolute positions in the race affect the intensity
of R&D effort; for example,
1. Who devotes more resources to developing new technology: the nation leading
the technological race or the one lagging behind? The technological laggard
tends to devote significantly more resources to the development process
than the leader; that is, p10 , p01 (recall that pij gives the probability of success
--and hence the intensity of effort--when the county under consideration
is in stage i while its rival is in stage j, where ij 5 00, 01, 10, 02, 12, 11).
2. Starting from a position of parity at the beginning of the race, if a nation falls
behind its competitor, does it increase its efforts in order to catch up, or does
it get discouraged and lower R&D spending? Moreover, what happens to the
intensity of the laggard's effort as the distance from the leader increases? Falling
behind increases effort in order to catch up, that is, p01 . p00. Moreover,
the intensity of the laggard's effort tends to increase somewhat as the distance
from the leader increases, that is, p01 , p02.
3. If a nation that was ahead is caught up with from behind, does it intensify its
effort in order to pull ahead again? An interesting way of restating this question
is, is the rate of new weapons development higher when the two nations
are competing neck to neck or when a nation develops the weapon from a
position of technological advantage? A nation that is caught up with from
behind accelerates spending, that is, p11 . p10. Moreover, the former laggard
relaxes effort once it has restored parity, that is, p11 , p01. The total effect is
that neck-to-neck competition is more intense.
4. If, from a position of parity, a nation moves ahead of its rival, does it increase
effort or become complacent? If, starting from a position of parity, a nation
TABLE 8. Intertemporal, intranation spillovers (learning)
p12 p02 p01 p10 p11 p00
b 5 0.8 0.68 0.63 0.64 0.54 0.70 0.38
b 5 0.6 0.75 0.63 0.66 0.61 0.95 0.49
Note: b 5 spillovers from the intermediate to the final result within a nation; pij 5 effort level in stage
ij.
550 International Organization
moves ahead of its rival, then it increases spending in order to take advantage
of its lead, that is, p10 . p00.
5. Are R&D efforts higher when nations are close to completing their projects or
when they are in the beginning of the race before any significant results have
been achieved? In positions of parity, effort is lower in the beginning stages,
that is p11 . p00.
Before concluding this section, let me briefly comment on the implications of
including preemption in the model. Suppose that it is feasible--politically and militarily
--for the winner of the race to use force to prevent its rivals from continuing
with their efforts to develop the weapon under consideration (a preemptive strike
such as those carried out by Israel). This means that the last phase of the race described
earlier (stage 12 for the loser and 21 for the winner) is eliminated. This case
corresponds to the winner-takes-all specification (where the race ends when one
nation crosses the finish line) and gives rise to the standard dynamics found in commercial
patent races described earlier. The laggard is now discouraged by the success
of its rival. This is because the expected return to the laggard from persisting with
intermediate-stage R&D is now lower because the leader is closer to the finish line
and a preemptive strike--if the weapon is developed--will turn the laggard's investments
to waste. This result means that a nation like Iraq may not try to develop
nuclear weapons as vigorously as it would if it were not concerned about Israeli
preemptive strikes (that is, the Israeli strategy of preemption may have discouraged
nuclear development programs in the Middle East).
Finally, nothing in the model limits the number of nations participating in the race.
Adding a third nation increases the number of possible configurations considerably
but does not affect the qualitative results.
Empirical Aspects
The model has generated interesting predictions concerning the characteristics of
military R&D races. Its main implication is that a nation will tend to spend considerably
more when it lags behind or is tied with its rivals than when it leads. I now
examine the empirical support for this proposition by studying two cases: The U.S.-
Soviet technological rivalry and the recent Indian-Pakistani nuclear development
programs. I conclude this section with a discussion of some additional predictions.
The U.S.-USSR Rivalry
The key pattern I examine regards how military R&D spending varies as a function
of a nation's relative position in the race (the lack of relevant data poses a great
hurdle to examining the other predictions). In particular, I ask whether weapons
development programs in the United States accelerated as a result of U.S. perceptions
of either falling behind or losing its technological lead and decelerated as a
Military Technology Races 551
result of perceptions of surging ahead of the Soviet Union. In particular I focus on the
U.S.-Soviet race to develop missile andABM defense systems during the 1950s and
1960s.
I define the weapon under development as a combination of an offensive missile
and anABM system that gives a decisive strategic advantage to one of the two rivals,
for instance, a system that makes a first strike a winning proposition. Obviously, this
is a multistage development process, where generations of successive, individual
missile andABM systems represent intermediate steps that are valuable on their own
(the R1 term in equation (13) in the appendix). Moreover, unlike the model, where the
end point is fixed (there is a known finish line), this race may have an uncertain
ending point as the technological possibility frontier is pushed further out stochastically.
The race ends when missile development can no longer contribute to military
capabilities.
The close of World War II was marked by two significant technological developments:
the nuclear bomb and ballistic missiles. These two innovations created the
possibility of producing a major new weapon system, namely, the nuclear armed,
intercontinental guided ballistic missile.
The United States initiated several programs aimed at missile development (the
Snark, Navajo, and Redstone are some of the early missiles developed). These programs
intensified significantly after 1952 (six new crash programs were initiated)
mostly as a result of intelligence information that the Soviet Union had not only
made progress in the development of large long-range rockets but also enjoyed a
head start of several years in this area (a conclusion reached by the Von Neumann
committee).20 These efforts led to the development of missiles such as the Atlas,
Titan, Minuteman, and Polaris.
In August 1957 the Russians launched a test ICBM that traveled the length of
Siberia; and two months later, in October 1957, the first artificial satellite (Sputnik)
went into orbit. These events sent shock waves throughout the rest of the world as
they created the impression of a significant Soviet lead in missile development, the
so-called missile gap. This gap consisted of a hundredfold weight gap between the
first U.S. and Soviet satellites and a time gap in the launching of ICMBs (sixteen
months) and first manned orbital flights (Gagarin's flight took place ten months before
Glenn's).21 How did funding for related R&D programs in the United States
behave around the time of these two events? In the summer before Sputnik was
launched, U.S. spending on ballistic missile research and space programs had been
significantly curtailed. After Sputnik, Congress immediately passed a supplementary
defense budget that restored reductions in the missiles programs and increased the
budget of space programs beyond what it had been before the cuts.22 A number of
``exotic'' missile-space projects were also funded (such as Dyna-Soar and the Aerospace
Plane).
20. York 1970, 86.
21. Ibid., 109.
22. Ibid., 126.
552 International Organization
As a result of new intelligence information confirming that the Russians were not
enjoying a lead in missile deployment, many programs were phased out or cancelled
late in the Eisenhower administration or very early in the Kennedy administration.23
For instance, funding for the Aerospace Plane decreased from $200 million to $25
million and was discontinued in 1961 (Semi Automatic Ground Environment [SAGE]
suffered a similar fate). But this lull did not last long. In 1961 the Soviet Union
initiated deployment of an ABM system around Leningrad (in Griffon) and began a
series of high-altitude nuclear tests (tests of existing ABM war heads and also tests
aimed at developing a new X-ray-intensive ABM warhead). These activities led the
United States to conclude that large ABM deployment was imminent.24 U.S. fears
were exacerbated in 1962 when another possibleABM site near Moscow was sighted
(Khrushchev's statement in June 1962 that Soviet missiles could hit a fly in space
may also have contributed to U.S. fears). The initiation of the MIRV programs was
the direct consequence of these developments.
The picture changed again in early 1963 when it was discovered that the LeningradABMs
were too slow and poorly maneuverable to be of any effectiveness against
U.S. missiles (such as the Polaris A-3). At the same time, construction at the Moscow
site seemed to have run into problems. These events led to a slowdown in U.S. MIRV
development.25 For example, the Polaris B-3 program was postponed for at least a
year, and the Mark 12 program was delayed and nearly cancelled.
The pendulum swung in the other direction in late 1963 and early 1964 as a result
of new intelligence findings indicating Soviet progress. New SovietABM sites were
observed (in Tallin and elsewhere), old ones were upgraded with more advanced
systems (Moscow), and tests of an improved high-altitude interceptor took place at
Sary Shagan.26 As a result, U.S. MIRV development accelerated dramatically during
1964 (for example, the Mark 12 programs were accelerated and reconfigured, the
B-3 warhead was made bigger, and it was decided to develop MIRVed front ends for
Poseidon and Minuteman missiles). The MIRV development ``for the Poseidon programs
started mainly because of the uncertainty of the Tallin threat.''27
The rest of the decade continued in a similar fashion with one apparent exception.
Intelligence information in 1967 suggesting that the sophistication of Soviet ABM
systems fell short of prevailing perceptions did not lead to a slowdown in MIRV
development in the United States. Although one may interpret this behavior as reflecting
the influence of political and bureaucratic forces tied to an ongoing project, Ted
Greenwood argues that it resulted partially from U.S. fears that the Soviets might
introduce new, more advanced systems and partially from the fact that the Soviets
were developing a new interceptor and upgrading theirABM radar.28
23. Ibid., 147.
24. Greenwood 1975, 97.
25. Greenwood 1975, 99.
26. See ibid.; andWeber 1991, 189.
27. Senate Committee on Armed Services 1968 (quoted byWeber 1991, 190).
28. Greenwood 1975, 102.
Military Technology Races 553
In conclusion, the MIRV seems to be ``a prime example of an interactive, action-
reaction process driving the nuclear arms race.''29 This pattern is precisely what the
theory predicts.
It is worth noting that this pattern may not be easily accounted for by strong
versions of some other theories of R&D spending that draw a sharp distinction between
national and special group interests and emphasize solely the role of the latter
(for example, theories of bureaucratic politics, the military industrial complex, and
technological momentum). This inability is because these theories tend to predict
that R&D spending follows mostly its own course and is relatively unresponsive to
developments in rival nations (at least when reductions are necessitated as a result of
establishing a clear lead over the competitors). The empirical evidence, though, seems
to refute the thesis that the dynamics of weapons development programs are unrelated
to perceptions of national interest. By ``national interest'' here I mean the value
of the game for the nation in each phase as described in the appendix.
The Indian-Pakistani Nuclear Development Programs
I now turn to an important recent development, namely, the nuclear tests conducted
by India (May 1998). It may appear that the most plausible rationalization for these
tests is their possible political benefits for the ruling party in India. Can my model
account for this situation? The model predicts that a nation accelerates significantly
the process of weapons development when either (1) it loses its technological lead, or
(2) it finds itself lagging behind its rivals. Moreover, the latter condition is associated
with the greatest intensification. If one takes these tests to be part of the Indian-
Pakistani race, the model fails to justify them, since neither the first condition nor the
second seem to have occurred recently. This is not the case, though, if one views the
tests as part of the Indian-Chinese race (where India has a significant lag) rather than
the Indian-Pakistani race (where the rivals seem to be more or less in a position of
parity or perhaps India enjoys a slight lead). According to the Wall Street Journal,
``China has always been the focus of India's nuclear program. . . . The Indian Prime
Minister Atal Bihari Vajoayee made clear that long-unspoken truth in his letter to
U.S. President Bill Clinton and other world leaders explaining why India conducted
the initial, triple test. China got top billing, though he did not mention it by name.''30
If this is true (and my model actually validates this interpretation), then Southeastern
Asia is likely to experience a major military technology race in the future, with China
being the driving force behind it. As China becomes wealthier, it is likely to try to
challenge the United States' military hegemony. Being the technological laggard
vis-a`-vis the United States, China will have to increase R&D spending significantly
(and hence the rate of its weapons development). But this will tend to increase China's
lead over India, making India redouble its efforts to prevent this from happening.
Undoubtedly, Pakistan will be forced to follow suit to prevent India from surging
ahead.
29. Greenwood 1975, 104.
30. ``Fear of China Drives India Tests,'' The Wall Street Journal, 15 May 1998, 1.
554 International Organization
This interpretation is also consistent with India's (and hence Pakistan's) refusal to
sign the nonproliferation treaty, suggesting that the heart of the problem may be that
India lags behind China technologically rather than Indian-Pakistani distrust and
insurmountable monitoring difficulties.
Additional Empirical Observations
Some of the other questions posed in the introduction can be addressed in a similar
fashion. For instance, the model predicts that reducing Israel's technological lead
will increase Israeli R&D spending significantly and decrease somewhat the intensity
of effort by Israel's rivals. If one identifies the rate of introduction of new weapons
with p10 and p11 (the probability that a nation will develop the weapon), then the
net effect will be that the pace of introduction of new weapons in the Middle East will
accelerate. To see this, consider the benchmark case (Table 1). Israel being in the lead
translates into a probability of introducing a new weapon of 0.48 (p10). A tied race,
though, is associated with a probability of 0.57 (p11), a 20 percent increase.
The question of whether military R&D programs will accelerate when China challenges
the United States has an affirmative answer, since the theory predicts that a
competing laggard spends a lot and a challenged leader accelerates significantly.
I conclude this section by describing another possible use of my model. In the
introduction I argued that there has been a large increase in the share of post-World
War II defense budgets devoted to R&D. Although the model is not designed to
account for this pattern directly (the model contains no other types of military spending,
so spending shares cannot be calculated), it can offer some indirect insights
concerning the factors behind the large increase in the level of spending.
The model predicts that R&D intensity will increase if the rate of return to R&D
becomes high, that is, if the perceived payoffs from leading or winning (or the losses
from falling behind in) a major race go up (Table 6). The payoffs associated with the
weapons pursued/developed in the post-World War II period may indeed have this
characteristic since they have the potential to bring about significant changes in the
distribution of power. The nuclear bomb, MIRVS,ABM, and SDI systems all had the
property that a unilateral, successful development could allow a nation to dominate
world military affairs.
It must be noted that commercial technologies--which often represent spin-off
military technologies--have had very high rates of ``return'' (measured in financial
terms, market shares, and so on) from the 1950s through the early 1970s. The main
reason for these high rates of return (and hence for the desirability of R&D) may be
found in the plethora of important advances that took place duringWorldWar II and
that made additional innovations easier to generate (that is, they increased the productivity
of R&D activities). This effect is captured in my model by the parameter ``b''
(see equation (1) in the appendix). A decrease in ``b'' leads to higher R&D intensity
and spending. In addition, the frequency and extent of technological breakthroughs
in the early post-World War II period also implies that the two super powers found
themselves in the intensive R&D stages 11, 10, 01 rather than in the less intensive
stage 00.
Military Technology Races 555
Note that the share of military R&D in defense spending has stabilized over the
last twenty-five years (with the exception of the early 1980s). This may partly reflect
the realization that additional major innovations may not be feasible. According to
Herbert F. York, it has become ``harder to invent anything that can make a real
difference.''31Asimilar pattern has been observed in commercial R&D and has been
blamed for the post-1974 slowdown in productivity in the United States and other
industrialized nations.
Conclusions
Political science is becoming increasingly interested in constructing models that can
be used to forecast important political phenomena. In this article I have built a rigorous,
quantitative framework that may prove useful for explaining the dynamics observed
in interstate military technological rivalries. Admittedly, the model is stylized.
Nonetheless, it produces clear predictions regarding the intensity of effort (the use of
resources) in the nations participating in a technological race. For weapons that are
critical for the distribution of power (but cannot be used in a preemptive strike), the
typical pattern involves a great effort to close a technological gap, relative complacency
when one has the lead, and an intense race in conditions of parity when the
nations are close to developing the weapon.
The predicted patterns seem empirically plausible. They are consistent with the
U.S.-Soviet missile race in the 1950s and 1960s and the recent conduct of nuclear
tests by India. Nevertheless, many important tasks remain. It would be interesting to
attempt to introduce multiple, interrelated research projects and to rank and correlate
them in terms of ``insurance'' and national security. It may also be interesting to
consider other forms of strategic interaction (for instance, to allow for signaling and
manipulation) as well as diverse national objectives that may differ across nations.
The methodology developed in this article seems quite promising and versatile for
addressing military technology issues that play a central role in the design of modern
defense policy and are likely to prove critical for the distribution of international
power. It can also be used to address issues surrounding arms control agreements.32
Appendix
Formal Description of the Race
ASSUMPTIONS
1. The race has two participants (nations or coalitions of nations), A and B, that
compete for the development of a new weapon system. Decisions concerning
the development of new weapon systems are reached by a single leader.33
31. York 1970, 165.
32. Koubi 1998.
33. For a justification of the unitary actor assumption, see Bueno de Mesquita 1981; and Bueno de
Mesquita and Lalman 1992.
556 International Organization
2. Technological competition is centered on a single project (weapon).
3. The race has three stages. Success during the first stage of R&D produces an
intermediate result that may have some value on its own (perhaps 0) and is
also a prerequisite for success in the second stage of R&D. Allowing for leapfrogging
is technically feasible, and I describe how it can be incorporated into
the analysis. Nonetheless, I believe that one usually has to take several steps
in succession by solving a number of intermediate problems before the final
stage can be completed. For example, various technological problems in aerodynamics,
propulsion, electronic control, and explosive yield had to be solved
before effective, unmanned long-range ballistic missiles could be developed.
4. The two participants behave according to the standard Cournot model.
5. Imitation (partial or full) of the intermediate and/or the final result may be
possible.
6. There is an advantage to winning the race, but losing is also rewarded if the
loser persists and manages to develop the weapon.
7. A nation can achieve a probability of success in period t, pt, if it spends an
amount equal to c(pt), where c(0) 5 0, c8(p) . 0, and c(p) is strictly convex.
I focus attention on a subgame perfect Nash equilibrium. In each period t, each
side observes the opponent's position and then chooses its investment in R&D based
on that observation. I compute the optimal choice of effort as well as the expected
value from R&D activities in each and every stage under all possible configurations
for the positions of the two rivals. There are five possibilities: (1) neither nation has
achieved the intermediate stage; (2) one nation has completed the intermediate stage
but not the final stage, and the other nation has not achieved the intermediate stage;
(3) both nations have achieved the intermediate stage but not the final stage; (4) one
nation has achieved the final stage and the other the intermediate; and (5) one nation
has achieved the final stage, and the other has not yet completed the intermediate
stage. I will use the subscripts i and j ( i 5 0, 1, 2; j 5 0, 1, 2) to denote the phase of
the race (0 for the initial stage, 1 for the intermediate, and 2 for the final result). For
instance, ij 5 10 means that the nation under consideration has achieved the intermediate
stage, and its rival has not; ij 5 02 means that the nation under consideration is
still in the initial stage, but its rival has completed the project; and so on. Subsequently,
Ap11 denotes the probability that nation A will complete the project when
bothAand B have already achieved the intermediate result; Bp01 denotes the probability
that nation B will achieve the intermediate result when this stage has already been
achieved by its rival (nation A), and so on. Similarly, I use sVij (s 5A, B) to denote
the value of the game to nation s in stage ij. Each nation is assumed to select a level of
effort that maximizes its value function, taking as given the behavior of its rival.
I will carry out the analysis in a recursive manner, starting from the most advanced
stage, ij512, when one nation has already developed the weapon (say, nation B) and
the other only possesses the intermediate result (say, nation A). If in period t, nationA
chooses to finance an R&D intensity of Ap12, then the value of the game for nation A,
Military Technology Races 557
AV12, as a function of current and future optimal actions, is defined as follows:
AV1252aAbA cA(Ap12) 2 AR2 1 Ap12WA 1 (1 2 Ap12) AV12 (1)
where 1AV12 is the value the nation places on participating in the current phase of
the race, and Ap12 is the probability that this period's efforts will be met with success
(nationAwill end up with the desired weapon).34 The first term on the right-hand side
of equation (1) is nation A's current direct cost of R&D. The second term, AR2,
represents the loss suffered by nationAas long as the balance of technological power
remains tilted in favor of nation B. The third term, WA, captures the benefit from
catching up with a successful rival and thus restoring the distribution of power. The
fourth term corresponds to current failure to catch up--an event that occurs with
probability 1 2 Ap12--and is simply the status quo.
The parameters ``b'' and ``a'' will be used to capture spillover effects either across
stages for the same nation (learning) or across nations (imitation). The value of ``b''
(0 , b , 1) will measure the positive effects that successful intermediate-stage
research has on the effectiveness of final-stage research (a value of ``b'' less than
unity implies that success breeds success, possibly because of learning). I will use
``a'' (0 , a , 1), on the other hand, to capture the opportunity for imitating the final
result (similar opportunities will also be available for copying the intermediate result).
If ``a'' 5 0, then the weapon can be imitated at zero cost, whereas ``a'' 5 1
leaves no room for imitation. I will also allow for imitation opportunities of the final
result to differ from those of the intermediate one.
Note that if AR2 . 0, then nation A will never give up its pursuit of this particular
weapon (because if it does, it will keep on suffering a penalty indefinitely). Moreover,
the laggard nation wants to have this weapon as soon as possible in order to
stop suffering this loss (one could set R2 5 0 to model weapons of lesser importance
that would allow a nation to drop out unilaterally). Similarly, an incentive to remain
in the race exists even when AR2 5 0 as long as WA . 0 (that is, when there is a direct
reward from developing the weapon even if both have it). But since WA is a lump
sum, it does not induce any great urgency in the laggard nation's effort to complete
this project (so AR2 5 0 and WA . 0 may refer to a weapon that is developed for
prestige or with the objective of being used as a possible future bargaining chip).
Solving equation (1) for AV12 gives
AV12 5
2aAbA cA(A p12) 2 AR2 1 Ap12 WA
Ap12
(2)
The optimal choice of effort dictates setting dAV12/dAp1250 in equation (2), which,
after some manipulation that makes use of the definition of AV12 from equation (2),
34. In general, sVij, s 5 A, B, is the value that the nation attributes to staying in the race when it finds
itself in stage i and its opponent is in stage j (i, j 5 0, 1, 2).
558 International Organization
gives
AV12 5 WA 2 aAbA c8A(Ap12 ) (3)
where c8 is the marginal cost. Combining equations (2) and (3) gives an equation
in Ap12, namely
AR2 2 aAbA c8A(Ap12)Ap12 1 aAbA c(Ap12) 5 0 (4)
Equation (4) determines the optimal choice of effort, Ap12. Substituting this value
into equation (3) gives the corresponding maximized value of the value function,
AV12.
I now move back one step and calculate the optimal effort and the expected payoffs
when both nations have achieved the intermediate (but not the final) result. If, in
period t, nationAfinances an R&D intensity of Ap11, and nation B an intensity of Bp11,
then the value of the game for nation A, AV11, as a function of current and future
optimal actions is defined as follows:
AV1152bAcA(Ap11) 1 Ap11(1 1 Bp11)AV21
1 (1 2 Ap11)Bp11 AV12 1 Ap11 Bp11WA 1 (1 2 Ap11)(1 2Bp11)AV11 (5)
The first term on the right-hand side of equation (5) is nationA's current direct cost
of R&D. There are four possible outcomes following the investment of Ap11 and Bp11
by nationsAand B, respectively:
1. Nation A succeeds in developing the new weapon (an event that occurs with
probability Ap11) and at the same time nation B fails (an event that occurs with
probability 1 - Bp11). Nation A then receives a payoff of AV21, and the expected
value for nation A that is associated with this outcome is given by the
second term of equation (5). AV21 is given by the following expression:
AV21 5 (1 2 Bp12)KA 1 Bp12WA 1 (1 2 Bp12)AV21 (6)
where KA is nation A's per period gain from having developed the weapon while
nation B has not, and WA is the benefit to nationAwhen both nations have completed
the R&D process.
2. Nation A fails while nation B succeeds. The game then moves to the stage
described earlier, where the payoff to nation A is AV12 (the third term).
3. Both nations succeed (the fourth term). The payoff to nation A is then WA.
4. Both nations fail (the last term in equation (5)). The value of the game in the
next period will be identical to that of the current period because the two rivals
will find themselves in exactly the position in which they started out dur-
Military Technology Races 559
ing this period; that is, having achieved the intermediate result and still seeking
the final one.
Solving equation (5) for AV11 results in
AV115
2bAcA(Ap11)1Ap11(12Bp11)AV211(12Ap11)Bp11AV121Ap11Bp11WA
12(12 Ap11)(12Bp11)
(7)
NationAchooses an effort level Ap11 in order to maximize equation (6), taking Bp11
as given. Taking the derivative of AV11 in equation (7) with regard to Ap11, setting it
equal to zero, and using the definition of AV11 from equation (6) in the resulting
expression gives
AV11 5
2bA c8A
(Ap11) 1 (1 2 Bp11)AV21 2 Bp11 AV12 1 Bp11 WA
(1 2 Bp11)
(8)
Combining equations (7) and (8) gives an equation in Ap11 and Bp11. Using the
nation B counterpart to equations (7) and (8) produces another equation in Ap11 and
Bp11. Solving these two equations simultaneously gives the optimal values of Ap11 and
Bp11 (and substituting these values in equation (7)--or (8)--and in the corresponding
equations for nation B gives the maximized value of AV11 and BV11).
I now move back one step and calculate the optimal effort and the expected payoffs
when one nation has achieved the intermediate result but the other has not (the
former nation is said to lead the technological race). The expected value of the game
for the leader (say, nation A) is given by
AV1052bA cA(Ap10) 1 Ap10(1 2 Bp01)AV20 1 Ap10 Bp01 AV21
1 (1 2 Ap10)Bp01V11 1 (1 2 Ap10)(1 2 Bp01)V10 (9)
The first term on the right-hand side of equation (9) is the current cost flow. The
second term is the leading nation's expected benefit if it moves further ahead of its
rival, that is, if it completes the project (which happens with probability p10) and its
rival fails to come up with the intermediate result. Let us define its payoff in such a
phase, V20, as
AV20 5 K 1 Bp01 AV21 1 (1 2 Bp01)AV20 (10)
The third term in equation (9) is the leading nation's benefit if it completes the
project but at the same time its rival produces the intermediate result.
560 International Organization
If, on the other hand, nation A fails (which happens with probability 1 2 p10) and
the laggard succeeds, then the race becomes a tie and the game moves to the next
stage ij 5 11, which was described earlier (the third term in equation (9)). Finally, if
the leading nation fails to cross the finish line and the laggard does not achieve the
intermediate result (which happens with probability 1 2 p01), then the game in the
next period starts from the same position (the last term in equation (9)). Solving
equation (9) for AV10 gives
AV105
2bAcA(Ap10)1Ap10(12Bp01)AV201Ap10 Bp01 AV211(12Ap10)Bp01 AV11
12(12Ap10)(12Bp01)
(11)
The optimal choice of Ap10 satisfies
AV10 5
2bAc8A(Ap10) 1 (1 2 Bp01)AV20 1 Bp01 AV21 2 Bp01 AV11
(1 2Bp01)
(12)
Equating equation (12) to equation (11) gives an equation in Ap10 and Bp01.
I now turn to the maximization problem faced by the laggard in the race (nation
B). Its value function is described by equation (13):
BV0152gBcB(Bp01) 2 BR1 1 Bp01(1 2 Ap10)BV11 1 Bp01 Ap10 BV12
1 (1 2 Bp10)Ap10 BV02 1 (1 2 Ap10)(1 2 Bp01)BV01 (13)
The first term in equation (13) is the direct cost of R&D. The parameter ``g''
captures the opportunity for imitating (copying) the intermediate result (which is
already available to the other nation). g 5 0 implies costless imitation (that is, the
result is achievable without the imitating nation doing any of its own R&D), and
g 5 1 implies no imitation at all. The second term in equation (13), R1, measures the
loss suffered by the laggard in the race. It is positive if the intermediate result can be
used to influence the balance of power (for instance, if other nations switch allegiance
toward the likely winner of the race). The third term describes the reward to
the follower from catching up with the leader (by developing the intermediate result).
The fourth term corresponds to success in both nations: The laggard gets the intermediate
result, but at the same time the leader completes the project. The last term
corresponds to the status quo (both nations fail in their respective projects); and the
fifth term represents the worst possible scenario for the laggard, namely, its falling
further behind the leader (the leader crosses the finish line, while the follower has yet
to come up with the intermediate result). The value function in the last case is BV02
and will be derived shortly.
Military Technology Races 561
Solving equation (13) for V01 gives
Taking the derivative of BV01 with regard to Bp01 and setting it equal to zero produces
BV01 5
2gBc8B(Bp01) 1 Ap10 BV12 1 (1 2 Ap10)BV11 2 Ap10 BV02
(1 2 Ap10)
(15)
Combining equations (14) and (15) results in another equation in Ap10 and Bp01.
This equation together with the one derived by combining equations (11) and (12)
can be solved for the optimal values of Ap10 and Bp01 (which can then be used to
derive the corresponding values of V10 and V01).
I now describe the optimization problem faced by a nation (say, B) that has fallen
two steps behind its rival. Its value function is
BV0252g*B cB(Bp02) 2 BR*2 1 (1 2 Bp20)BV02 2 Bp02 BV12 (16)
The imitation coefficient, g*B
, may now be different from that in the ij 5 01 case,
because the imitation set is different (both the intermediate and the final result are
now available in nation A). Similarly, the loss associated with the change in the
balance of technological power, R2*, may be different from that arising when the
follower has the intermediate result (R2). Solving equation (16) gives
BV02 5
2g*B cB(Bp02) 2 BR*2 1 Bp02 BV12
Bp02 (17)
And setting the derivative of BV02 with regard to Bp02 equal to zero
BV0252g*B c8B(Bp02) 1 BV12 (18)
The optimal level of effort of nation B is found by combining equations (17) and
(18).
Turning now to the initial phase of the race (ij 5 00) and using the same methods
applied earlier, we find that the value function of nationAis
AV005
2cB(Ap00)1Ap00(12Bp00)AV101Ap00B p00AV111(12Ap00)Bp00V01
12(12Ap00)(12Bp00)
(19)
BV01 5
2gB cB(Bp01) 2 BR1 1 Bp01 Ap10 BV12 1 Bp01(1 2 Ap10)BV11 1 (1 2 Bp01)Ap10 BV02
1 2 (1 2 Ap10)(1 2 Bp01)
(14)
562 International Organization
and that the optimal choice of Ap00 satisfies
AV005
2c8A
(Ap00)1(12Bp00)AV101Bp00 AV112Bp00 AV01
(12Bp00)
(20)
Equations (1)-(20), together with their nation B counterparts, determine Ap00, AV00,
Bp00, BV00.
The complete solution of the model is described by equations (1)-(20). These
equations are nonlinear, which makes the derivation of analytical solutions not feasible.
Although some comparative statics can be carried out even without analytical
solutions, many important questions require knowledge of the levels of effort in the
various stages of the race rather than just the direction of change. Consequently, I
have resorted to numerical methods. I have also relied on a symmetric equilibrium in
order to focus more clearly on the role played by relative and absolute position rather
than by asymmetries (results obtained in an asymmetric equilibrium are available on
request). In such an equilibrium no nation subscript is needed, and moreover Bp21 5
Ap125p12.
Preemption
Suppose that a preemptive strike is feasible both politically and militarily; that is, it is
feasible for the winner of the race to use force to prevent its rivals from continuing on
with their efforts to develop the weapon under consideration. This case can be studied
adequately within the present framework by choosing the appropriate parameter
values. An effective preemptive strike could be modeled by eliminating stage ij 5
12; that is, by assuming that once a single nation has developed the weapon the race
ends.
Leapfrogging
Such a possibility can be easily incorporated into the analysis by allowing R&D in
the beginning of the race (ij 5 00) to be associated with a positive probability, q, of
generating the final result. NationAthen can achieve the final result with probability
qA; the intermediate result with probability (1 - qA) Ap00; and neither with probability
(1 - qA)(1 - Ap00). The corresponding probabilities for nation B are qB, (1 - qB)Bp00
and (1 - qB)(1 - p00), respectively. Subsequently, equation (19) takes the form
AV0052cA(Ap00)1qA[qBK*1(12qB)Bp00K1(12qB)(12Bp00)K] (21)
1(1 2 qA)Ap00[qB AV12 1 (1 2 qB)Bp00 AV11 1 (1 2 qB)(1 2 Bp00)AV10]
1(12qA)(12Ap00)[qBAV021(12qB) Bp00AV011(12qB)(12Bp00)AV00]
Military Technology Races 563
Equation (20) can be used to study how the possibility of leapfrogging affects the
dynamics of the race (for arbitrary values of q).
Numerical Solution
To solve the model numerically, one must first parameterize it. The model contains
several parameters: the cost function, c; the rewards attained from the completion of
the R&D process (K, W); the losses that result from unfavorable developments in the
balance of technological power (R1, R2 and R2*); imitation opportunities (a, g, and
g*); and learning, b.
Unfortunately, nothing in the literature can help us to select realistic parameter
values (that is, to calibrate the model). Although some degree of arbitrariness is
inevitable, some choices are restricted not only by technological considerations (for
instance ``a'' must be between zero and unity) but also by the fundamental characteristics
of the technological race under consideration. For instance, consider the type of
weapon sought. If the weapon is such that it does not matter in the long run who
develops it first, as long as both nations develop it, then K and W ought to be comparable
in size. A good example is the nuclear bomb (in the absence of a preemptive
strike), which gave the United States only a temporary advantage. On the other hand,
if the first introduction of a new weapon can permanently change the balance of
power so that the winner's advantage is not eroded by the laggard's success, then the
benefits to the winner of the race must be set to exceed considerably the benefits from
belated success (K is large relative to W). Similarly, if nations mostly care about not
losing a race rather than winning one (defense orientation), then R2 ought to be larger
than K. If nations are worse off when both have the weapon than when both have it,
then W , 0. In a similar vein, one can argue that the loss suffered by the laggard
nation as a result of its rival's development of the intermediate result is likely to fall
short of that suffered when its rival achieves full development of the weapon (R2 .
R1).
I assume that the cost function takes the form cs(spij) 5 hs (spij)z, s 5A, B, i 5 0, 1,
j 5 0, 1, 2, h . 0, z . 1 (convexity). Given a set of values for the parameters of the
model, say G1, the model was solved numerically in a recursive manner as follows:35
I started with stage ij 5 12. Equation (4) was used to determine the optimal value of
Ap12 (and nation B's counterpart for Bp12). That value was then used in equation (3) to
compute AV12 (and BV12 was calculated similarly). I then moved one step back to
stage ij 5 11 and used equations (7) and (8) as well as their nation B counterparts--
together with the value already computed from the previous step value of AV12 and
BV12--in order to calculate Ap11, Bp11, AV11, and BV11. I then used the computed values
in the calculation of the optimal values of p and V in stage ij 5 02. I continued in a
similar fashion with ij 5 01, ij 5 10, and ij 5 00 until the complete time series of
35. The numerical analysis was carried out using MATHEMATICA. The program is available from the
author on request.
564 International Organization
spij(G1) was computed. I then repeated the process using a different configuration of
parameters, Gn, n 5 2, 3.
References
Acland-Hood, Mary. 1984. Statistics of Military Research and Development Expenditure. In SIPRI Yearbook
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------1986. Military Research and Development. In Arms and Disarmament: SIPRI Findings, edited by
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Brams, Steven J., and D. Marc Kilgour. 1988. Game Theory and National Security. New York: Basil
Blackwell.
Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce. 1981. The War Trap. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
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Military Technology Races 565

Posted by maximpost at 5:26 PM EST
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>> CIUDAD JUAREZ WATCH...


11 Bodies Dug Up Near U.S.-Mexico Border
By REYES RAMOS
ASSOCIATED PRESS
CIUDAD JUAREZ, Mexico (AP) -
Police have dug up 11 bodies in the backyard of a house in this Mexican border city, in what they called the latest evidence of a growing drug battle being waged along the U.S.-Mexico frontier.
Officials said Tuesday they believed they had found all the bodies buried at the property, but they were still searching to make sure none remained.
"If we have to demolish the house, we're going to demolish it," Deputy Attorney General Jose Luis Santiago Vasconcelos said in Mexico City.
Several victims had been strangled or suffocated, Vasconcelos said.
Mexican investigators said the property appeared to be a safe house for Humberto Santillan Tabares, who was arrested Jan. 15 across the border in El Paso, Texas. Mexican authorities identified Santillan as one of the chief lieutenants of Vicente Carrillo, alleged to be one of Mexico's major drug traffickers.
Leticia Zamarripa, a spokeswoman with the U.S. Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, confirmed that Santillan was arrested in El Paso with more than 10 pounds of cocaine, although she said his first name was listed as Heriberto.
Drug smugglers often use several different names, and it was unclear which was Santillan's real first name. He was in federal custody awaiting trial, and no date has been set.
Four bodies were found over the weekend, and seven others were uncovered under a concrete patio that officials ripped up Monday.
Authorities said they also discovered three bags of clothing. Some of it was identified by the relatives of two people who disappeared on Jan. 14.
Neighbors said the house, in a quiet, middle-class neighborhood, was the home of a couple with two children. Asking that their names not be used, they told reporters that they often saw people dressed as federal police officers coming and going, but noted nothing else peculiar.
Drug groups often pose as police, but sometimes also enlist corrupt lawmen.
The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration says Carrillo is one of the key figures who took over a Ciudad Juarez-based drug organization that had been led by his brother Amado, who died in 1997 after plastic surgery in Mexico City.
In July, U.S. federal prosecutors arrested an FBI translator in El Paso who was accused of selling sensitive information that was believed to have reached Carrillo.
The bodies appear to be part of a recent wave of drug-related violence - and not connected to a notorious string of murders of young women here over the past decade.
Authorities say the arrests of several major traffickers created a power vacuum, and the resulting turf battle has left dozens dead along the border and in Mexico's interior.
On Sunday, an apparently drug-related shootout killed three people in the border city of Nuevo Laredo. Federal officials have said deserters from an elite Mexican army unit who formed a drug gang have been fighting for control of that border town.
On Friday, a shootout between police and several presumed drug traffickers in the northern city of Anahuac, 50 miles southwest of Nuevo Laredo, killed two state police officers and another person.
Authorities also say traffickers apparently were involved in the ambush slaying of two federal agents and a soldier last week on a highway west of Mexico City and in many of the 57 slayings so far this year in the northwestern state of Sinaloa.
Santiago Vasconcelos said the violence was evidence the battle against traffickers was serious.
"This makes all of us uneasy," he said, "but it is better to have these incidents, clashes over the application of the law, than to permit in silence" the operation of the gangs.


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